Mt. Hope cemetery Lansing

Nicholas Welch

Nicholas Welch was born in 1820 in Ireland or Greenland.

Nicholas immigrated to North America and eventually settled in Michigan. He may have been the same “N. Welsh” who was working as a laborer and living in Lansing’s Third Ward in 1860.

In any case, he stood 5’7” with blue eyes, brown hair and a dark complexion and was 41 years old and living in Lansing or Grand Rapids when he enlisted in Company B on May 13, 1861. He was reported as a pioneer, probably for the Brigade, from July of 1862 through November. He had probably returned to the Regiment by the time he was reported missing in action on May 3, 1863, at Chancellorsville, Virginia. He apparently returned to the Regiment (at least on paper) and was subsequently listed as absent sick in Alexandria, Virginia from October 10 through December of 1863.

Nicholas apparently recovered and had returned to duty by the time he reenlisted on March 17, 1864, near Culpeper, Virginia, crediting Detroit Third Ward. He was absent on veteran’s furlough in April of 1864, and presumably returned to the Regiment on or about the first of May. He was transferred to Company E, Fifth Michigan infantry upon consolidation of the Third and Fifth Michigan Regiments on June 10, 1864, and was wounded by a shell August 8, 1864, at the Weldon Railroad, Virginia. He was admitted to Whitehall general hospital near Bristol, Pennsylvania on August 26, and remained hospitalized until he was discharged on June 6, 1865, at Whitehall hospital, for “injury to his internal abdominal organs from shell contusion.”

After the war Nicholas returned to Michigan, probably to Lansing where he probably lived the rest of his life. By 1870 he was working as a laborer (he owned $1500 worth of real estate) and living in Lansing’s Third Ward. He was working as a laborer and living in Lansing in 1880. He was still living in Lansing in 1888 when he testified in the pension application of the father of Bradford Carmichael, also of Company B and who was killed during the war. Nicholas was living in the Third Ward in 1890 and 1894.

He was unable to read or write (according to the statement he gave in the Carmichael pension application he had to make his mark rather than sign his name).

Nicholas applied for and received a pension (no. 59744).

He died possibly in Lansing in late December, 1896, and was buried on January 1, 1897, in Mt. Hope Cemetery, Lansing: 43-B-D.

Homer L. Thayer

Homer L. Thayer was born in 1838 in Green Oak, Livingston County, Michigan, possibly the son of Lucy.

In 1840 one Lucy Thayer and a male child less than 2 years old were living in Green Oak, Livingston County.

Homer eventually settled in Lansing, Ingham County, and was married to New yok native Julia P. Greene (1837-1905; she was noted for her fine singing voice.) By 1860 he was working as a merchant living with his wife who was a music teacher in Lansing’s First Ward. Also living in the First Ward, at Horace Angel’s hotel, in 1860 was a wealthy lumber merchant by the name of Charles Thayer (b. 1805 in Pennsylvania).

He was 23 years old and probably still living in Lansing when he enlisted as Second Sergeant in Company G on May 10, 1861. (Company G, formerly the “Williams’ Rifles,” was made up predominantly of men from the Lansing area.)

Early on the morning of July 18, 1861, as the Regiment moved westward from Fairfax, Virginia towards Centreville, “a small village in Fairfax County, and about eight miles west of Fairfax Court House,” wrote Frank Siverd of Company G, it was discovered that “a large body of rebels had just left their entrenchments. We made a halt for dinner in a beautiful grove. In the meantime scouts were scouring the whole country, some for rebels and others for dinner. One of the latter expeditions under command of Sergeant Thayer, took in charge a very intelligent young man, who represented himself a strong Union man. He has a good knowledge of the country and of the position of the enemy. He was considered of some importance to the army by the General, and placed under charge of Thayer for future use; from the young man we learned the position of a large body of troops strongly entrenched at a point called Bull's Run.” Siverd added in his note to the Lansing Republican on July 24 that Thayer was one of the men in the company ready for action on Sunday, July 21 at Bull Run, Virginia.

Shortly after the federal retreat from Bull Run, Lieutenant James B. Ten Eyck of Company G resigned his commission and returned to his home in Lansing where he reported to the Republican that in the recent engagement at Bull Run, he “gives the boys great praise for their bravery, and especially commends the conduct of Sergeant Homer L. Thayer, . . .”

By the first of December, 1861, Homer had been detached from the company and sent back to Michigan to recruit for the Regiment. Charles Church of Company G, wrote home to his parents in Williamston, Ingham County, on January 1, 1862, that Thayer will probably “be at Williamston and there father can see him and he can tell him all about us, etc.” Homer remained absent on recruiting service until March of 1862, and by the end of April was back in Virginia but on the staff of either General Hiram Berry or General Samuel Heintzelman. Frank Siverd wrote May 2 that Thayer had recently arrived back in camp from Michigan, and added that he “has received a position in the office of the Assistant Adjutant General of the Brigade thus placing him on Berry’s staff).”

Following Frank Siverd's death at Fair Oaks, Virginia, on May 31, 1862, the editor of the Lansing Republican announced on June 18 that “In pursuance of Mr. Siverd's request before the battle, Homer L. Thayer will continue the correspondence with this paper.”

At midnight, Saturday, May 31, Homer Thayer wrote his wife from the “Hospital Building, 100 rods to the left of our redoubt, near battlefield.”

We advanced about 3 miles this forenoon towards Richmond, and by 2 p.m., heard musketry 2 miles ahead of us, which gradually drew nearer.

Finally, Gen. Berry and Capt. Smith rode out to the rifle pits, and soon ordered the brigade under arms, and moved the 3d, 5th, and 37th across the field 3/4ths of a mile into the woods directly towards the engagement which was going on between Generals Couch and Casey’s men, and in a short time the [regiment] which was in front of us, broke and ran, thus leaving us suddenly exposed, and our regiments then commenced firing and advancing as the ground was cleared of those engaged before us.

In a short time every one was looking out for his man, and when volleys were fired by the enemy our men laid down. At last they were so near (in some places not 3 rods) both sides laid down and continued firing -- this nearly all in the woods, and in some places swampy.

Our 3d fought like tigers, and many noble men fell. I give the names as far as I am certain, and many more are missing.

E. F. Siverd, Chas. T. Foster (color sergeant), Samuel Dowell, N. T. Atkinson and Case B. Wickham, Co. G, are dead.

The following, of Co. G, are wounded, and brought into this hospital:

Lieut. Mason, in the groin; John Broad, in the face and arm; A. Billings, L. Croy, Wm. Clark, Jackson, Ingersoll, Benson, Trimmer and N. Johnson.

Our Adjt. General, Capt. E. M. Smith, is dead. I have just returned from taking his body to the station, about 2 miles from here. He said to me today noon, “Homer, I am going to be shot in this engagement,” but I told him I thought it was only his imagination. Poor fellow, he was too bold.

Capt. Quackenbush has just been brought in dead. You recollect he and his wife were with us at Pontiac last winter.

Our dear Colonel was wounded, but we hope not mortally.

Our regiment, what there are who have come in and able to bear arms, are bivouacked at the rifle pits above referred to, and number not far from 250.

Some more will come in, we hope, to be able to go on to the field in the morning and take care of our dead.

Large reinforcements have come to his point since dark, and we shall hold our position without doubt. We learn, tonight, that McClellan has pushed forward troops on our extreme right, nearly in Richmond, and that this engagement was brought on by their trying to outflank us on our left.

Gen. Berry said to me tonight: “Your Mich. 3d regiment was worth oceans of money, if money could be of any use in describing their value in holding our positions.”

The Mich. 2d was on picket since the morning of the 29th, and did not get on to the field in time to participate much in the engagement.

I can form no idea of our loss, but know it to be large. We are making all preparations to resist or attack tomorrow, as soon as it is light.

I am writing on the floor of a room where there are perhaps 15 wounded men lying, waiting for their turns from the surgeon. I have been assisting here now since 4 o’clock, except one hour that I was gone to the station. Poor fellows! they stand it better than anyone would expect, but many are suffering for want of prompt attendance from the surgeon. There are three here, Drs. Gunn, Bliss and ______, and there ought to be fifty, besides as many attendants to give the patients water and assist in putting on splints and bandages.

This has been a terrible battle, and we are not yet through, but our brigade will be relieved before morning, to give us time to organize anew where officers are dead or wounded.

This is the third time that I have assisted to care for the unfortunate wounded and dead.

Sunday morning, June 1st

I am at Gen. Heintzelman’s headquarters, and find that the cars are soon to leave with a load of wounded men, and by one of them I will send this.

It has been a sorry night indeed. This morning it is raining. What may be done in the way of engaging the enemy today is uncertain. I shall, as soon as is possible, get to the field where we left so many of our best men, and, when it is possible, assist in their burial.

Siverd often asked me if I would continue “Stray Leaves” if he should be killed, and I promised him I would, though I fell unable to attempt the task.

I forgot to mention of the officers wounded, Capt. Loring [Lowing] , and Lieutenants Dodge, Pelton and Judd.

Siverd was hit three times, and after he was hit the second time he cheered the boys on nobly.

Foster was a good boy, and beloved by all.

It looks lonesome enough this morning, to go along by the 3d and see the decimated ranks.

Write to me often. This, we nearly all believe will settle the business for the secesh when we have finished. Our boys will not flinch but will stand up to the enemy’s fire as long as their ammunition holds out, and then, if they are in an open field, charge bayonet.

We have a large number of prisoners, some of them sulky, and some rather seem to be glad that they are released.

No remains can be sent home until all the wounded are sent off, according to order from the War Department last night.

Gen. Berry, as well as our entire brigade, are feeling deeply the loss of Capt. Smith. The General is liked by all, and while he will try to do his whole duty, he will avoid taking his men into unnecessary danger.

Your affectionate husband, H. L. Thayer.

From Brigade headquatrers near the Fair Oaks battlefield, Homer wrote to George Parsons of the Republican, on June 3, his first letter to the Lansing paper. “I will try to keep your readers informed,” he declared, “of our whereabouts and doings, but I am well aware that they will miss ‘Stray Leaves from Camp’ [Siverd’s byline], and with us, mourn the loss of their author.” In fact he did continue to provide frequent reports to the paper on the movements of the Regiment and the status of the Lansing boys, although his letters lacked the breadth and depth of Siverd’s analyses.

Dear Sir: -- I wrote on the evening of the battle to my wife, giving a hasty description of the part which our Brigade took in the act of that day; also, a particular list of the killed and wounded of our company.

The reports were not completed until late last night, and I now enclose an abstract from them of the loss of the three Michigan Regiments of our Brigade:


Michigan 2d Killed Wounded Missing

Officers none 2 none
Enlisted men 10 40 2

Michigan 3d

Officers 1 8 none
Men 25 104 27

Michigan 5th

Officers 1 4 none
Men 57 115 14

Making an aggregate of 378 -- some of the missing will undoubtedly be found.

The loss of our Lansing company is severe, and comprises some of the best men of the company.

Sergt. Chas. T. Foster, the Color Sergt. of the Regiment was the first to fall. He was bravely holding the colors, and by his coolness and courage, doing much to encourage the boys to press on. Orderly E. F. Siverd was soon after wounded, but still did his duty and urged his comrades on. Soon after this Corporals Case B. Wickam, John Blanchard and Nathaniel T. Atkinson, and privates Samuel Dowell and Charles T. Gaskill received fatal shots. Atkinson and Dowell were brought from the field before they died. All have been buried, and their resting places marked with aboard giving the name, company and regiment.

Jackson, Clays, Benson, Trimmer and Crane are in camp, and the balance of the wounded have been sent on the cars to White House Landing to be forwarded to their homes, and where they are not able to stand the journey will be taken to hospitals at Fortress Monroe, Washington, and Baltimore, but I think it is the intention top send them home when they are able to go, and can be better cared for. There is an order from the War Department commuting the rations of the sick and wounded soldiers at 25 cents per day while away from the charge of the Department. Gen. Berry's Assistant Adjutant General Capt. E. M. Smith was killed during the engagement. he was a most gallant and brave officer, and beloved by all who knew him. He distinguished himself at the battle of Williamsburg for his bravery, as will be seen by the official report of both Generals kearney and Berry. Four of my comrades, with myself, carried him back to the station and buried him in a pleasant orchard where many more have been buried since.

Capt. Judd, of Co. "A,” 3d Regiment, was killed while in charge of the Sharpshooters in the advance of our Brigade.

Captain Quackenbush, of the 5th, as also killed.

Col. Champlin was wounded severely though it is not considered dangerous. He walked some distance after he was wounded, and by his presence and energy did much to encourage his men.

I would gladly speak of the merits of each of our company who are dead, had I the ability of doing so as they deserve; they were beloved by all, and their many mourning friends may be assured they have the heartfelt sympathy of every one of us.

Our knapsacks are all back with the wagon train across the river and may not soon be up. . . .

Our Division moved last evening farther to the front and across the railroad, to the right, and in the rear of Generals Sedgwick and Richardson's Divisions.

Gen. Richardson's division was engaged last Sunday and he lost about 900 men. He came to our camp today, and was immediately surrounded by the Brigade who greeted him with the wildest enthusiasm.

The weather is very warm, with frequent showers, which keeps the roads in a horrible condition.

Our boys are feeling quite tired out, but stand it as a general thing well. Corporal Shattuck and private W. F. Hogan, arrived in camp yesterday from the Hospital at Yorktown; they report Sergt. J. B. Ten Eyck as getting better, but not yet able to return to duty.

The rebels are holding their position here better than at any other place in Virginia, still we have no doubt of our final success.

The official reports of the engagement of the 31st of May,I suppose, will soon be published, so that you can have a better idea of the part our regiment performed. They were in the advance of the balance of the Brigade, and fought with a determination seldom equaled. General's Kearney and Berry both gave us great praise.

The loss of the 37th N.Y. Regiment was 81 killed, wounded and missing.


I earnestly hope it may not be my duty to again report losses such as these to our brigade. Our numbers are small, but each feel that we still have a duty to perform, and while there is a man left to do duty, I trust you will hear of it being done well.

I will try to keep your readers informed of our whereabouts and doings, but I am well aware that they will miss "Stray Leaves from Camp,” and with us, mourn the loss of their author.

Capt. Jefferds has been obliged to forward his resignation on account of continuing ill health, and will probably soon be at home so that our many friends can hear more particularly from each.

Homer was promoted to Second Lieutenant on June 9 at Camp Lincoln, Virginia.

On June 20-27, from the Third Michigan camp near Richmond, Homer wrote to Lansing describing the recent developments in the Regiment.

Since writing my last, giving you the loss of our company, etc., we have again moved to the front. Our position is well to the left, while the main force of the rebels is supposed to be further to the right, though we have sufficient indication of their presence near us, to keep all well on the look out.

The preparations which are being made for future operations I have no right to describe, but of this much you may be certain, we feel certain of success, Richmond is doomed. It is only a question of a few days time.

Lieut. Baker, of the Sharpshooters, came in to see us today, his company having just come from Mechanicsville to this part of the lines, and attached to Gen. Franklin's division.

The following is an abstract from this morning's report of our company, present and absent:

Present for duty -- 1 Captain, 1 2d Lieut., 10 non-commissioned officers, and 33 privates.

On daily duty -- 6

Present sick -- 6

Total present -- 2 officers and 55 men

Absent on detached service -- 1 1st Lieut. and 1 private

Sick -- 16

Total absent -- 1 officer and 17 men

Aggregate in company -- 74

The following are the names of the officers of Co. G:

Captain -- Abraham J. Whitney

1st Lieut. -- Joseph Mason

2nd Lieut. -- Homer L. Thayer

Orderly Sergeant -- George Ellis

Sergeants -- Jerome B. Ten Eyck, Joseph Stevens, Artemus G. Newman, and George M. Cook

Corporals -- Chas. H. Church, Chas. A. Price, Allen Shattuck, William F. Hogan, Benajamin Hammond, John Bissell, Joshua Bensen and Peter Clays
Lieut. Mason is now in Michigan on the recruiting service.

Sergt. Ten Eyck, Corporal Church and private Samuel Smith were last heard from (some 2 days ago) in the hospital at Yorktown.

John Broad is in hospital on Davis Island, East River,New York. Peter Canally, Okemos, Mich. Wm. Clark, DeWitt, Mich. Lawrence Croy, State Hospital, New Haven, Conn.

O. C. Ingersoll, Norman L. Johnson and John Trimmer, General Hospital, Judiciary Square, Washington, D. C.; Francis Lackey and John Sayles, Annapolis, Md. Alex. Ross, Portsmouth, Va. Chas. H. Rose, Watertown, Mich.

John Shaft left at hospital near the Chickahominy. William R. Stall and Chas. H. Adams have just gone to regimental hospital. Arthur Watkins has returned from the hospital at Washington, recovered from the wound received on the 31st [of May], which proved not so bad as was first supposed. Charles H. Adams has just returned from the hospital at Annapolis, where he has been since sometime last January.

By notice received from Douglas Hospital at Washington, we learn that Augustus Billings died on the 17th from the effect of his wounds.

Several of the regimental officers are away, either wounded or on sick leave. We have only 4 captains and 8 lieutenants in the regiment.

Saturday, June 21st

Last evening our regiment was ordered to prepare for 48 hours picket duty, to be ready at 3 o'clock this morning, and we are posted in the woods on a line running from the rifle pits in front of the camp towards the James river, the farthest post -- probably 1 1/2 miles from the camp. Videttes are placed 100 yards in front of each post, and in position to signal from one to another and back to the main post in case of danger.

There are generally 4 men a non-commissioned officer at each post, each man standing in front of the vidette for two hours at a time, and with instructions to fire on any thing coming from outside the line, unless it is plain that they are scouts or persons desirous to give themselves up as prisoners, but woe be to the unlucky rebel who attempts to come up with arms for any purpose.

Yesterday, some 40 or 50 shot and shell were thrown towards our camps from over in `Dixie', but without doing any harm. Our guns make no reply by which they could learn our position, and today the same pranks here have been repeated with no better success.

The cook has just brought down to us two kettles of bean soup and our mail for today, all of which is very acceptable.

Word has just been sent down the lines to look well to the front, as large numbers of rebel troops have been seen moving to the front of us, but no one seems in th least scared. The men take such things cool, and will hold the picket line against a pretty good number of the enemy, and in case of being overpowered will fall back gradually towards the grand guard and reserves, giving the grey coats first a sample of Michigan sharp shooting practice, which they so much dread.

Our Michigan troops are beginning to get some of the credit which they deserve. Our brigade has twice taken the brunt of the fire when the division was ordered into battle, and by doing their duty each time, saved the day to our forces. Very few regiments were in better places, nor was there any part of the battle fields here where so many of the enemy's dead could be counted the next day, as where Berry's brigade had been engaged.

The New York 1st regiment, numbering nearly 1,000 men for duty, has been added to our brigade.

Sunday, 22d

Today has been unusually quiet along the lines. Last night, about 9 o'clock, a volley of 90 or 100 guns was fired a few hundred yards from our lines, when commands to cease firing were plainly heard, which indicated some mistake among the rebels, as their shots certainly did not affect any of us.

Monday, 23d

Still quiet to the right, which is unaccountable, as hardly a 6 hours has passed since the battle, that there has not been cannonading at some point. But here comes the . . . welcome "next relief,” and we are hastily preparing to return to camp, where we shall be farther away from the rebel guns and Virginia snakes and musquitos, the last of which are too plenty here in the woods for pleasure.

Tuesday, 24th

Today all were startled by a sudden and unaccountable succession of volleys of musketry, in our rear, and for a time all was excitement as we were partly prepared to expect danger from that way by the recent raid of Stewart's [IS] cavalry near the White House landing, but an orderly from headquarters soon came with word that Couch's division had permission to fire their pieces, which had been loaded for some time.

Wednesday, 25th

This afternoon, Mr. Phelps, of Detroit, the Allotment Commissioner, came to see us to get the names of those who wished to send their pay home, and within half an hour 38 of Co. G signed the roll, sending an average of $11 per month for the enlisted men, and with $250, officer's pay, making the snug little sum of $1,075 to send to Michigan next pay day.

If all of Michigan men now in the army would do the same, $200,000 could be sent to Michigan every two months. I think, however, few companies will make up so large an amount from the same number of men.

This afternoon the enemy in considerable force attempted to drive in the pickets which were stationed in front of Gen. Hooker's command, next on our right, but one of our field pieces was soon got in position to reach them and reinforcements going quickly to their support, the enemy made retreat a military necessity, and all was soon quiet.

This morning orders were received to fall in under arms at 1/2 past 7. The nature of the duties expected we could only surmise, but from the frequent heavy guns in the direction of Gen. Porter's division we surmised that it might mean work.

We were told that we were only to go into the rifle pits, but we had hardly got there before we were ordered out to the front on the picket lines. We had hardly reached there before heavy firing at our right showed that our troops were engaging. Gen. Hooker's pickets had been posted in an irregular line, which gave the rebels more ground than was thought proper . . . .

The 5th Mich. were posted next to our right, and the 37th N. Y. at our left, and we advanced through the thick underbrush so as to keep our line perfect until the required ground was in our possession, without coming in collision with the enemy.

But Gen. Robinson's brigade, (formerly Jameson's,) in our division, was less fortunate. They came upon the enemy and had a severe encounter, the results of which we have not yet learned. The rebels we could plainly hear as they came up to the field, giving orders to "close up,” "now give it to them,” etc., and finally, to our surprise, a "charge" was ordered, and then a sort of yell; but as our boys said, it sounded as though they had only eaten half rations. Soon a terrible volley was poured in, which made them go back in quicker time and making more noise by considerable than when they came up. This was repeated 3 times, but our men each time met them with such showers of lead that they gladly gave up the business.

There was but little attempt made after this to get back the ground which they had lost, and night coming on, we all stayed where we were, ready to hold our position if there was any further demonstration the next morning. We could hear the officers and men swearing as they retreated, and after dark the cries of their wounded could be plainly heard by our pickets. The bells in Richmond could be heard in the evening, and also their drums in some of the camps. Possibly they call it a victory, but we could not see it in that light.

Thursday, 26th

Early this morning we heard a few volleys fired, and as a prisoner taken yesterday said, they were prepared to have made an attack if we had not, it was thought best to watch them closely.

Our regiment stayed on reserve until night, and then went to the front and were stationed as pickets, with reserves from our other regiments. Towards night terrific cannonading commenced some 8 or 10 miles to our right, and continued until about 10 o'clock, when we could hear coming along the lines cheers, which were taken up by regiment after regiment, gradually coming nearer, until it reached our camp; and such expressions of joy I think were hardly ever heard on this peninsula before. Soon the bands of commenced playing, and as all had been kept quiet in our camps ever since we have been here, we were satisfied that there must be a victory to our side, if, indeed, the right was not in Richmond.

Friday, 27th

The cannonading commenced again this morning, and kept up until afternoon. We have heard any number of reports regarding it, as to who were the parties engaged and the results, hardly any two corresponding, but it is generally understood that the enemy, under Gen. Lee, crossed the Chickahominy and engaged our troops attempting to turn our right, and that they have been driven back by the division of Gens. McCall and Morrill.

We came in from picket this forenoon, and since we came away the lines were nearly broken by the rebels appearing in force and one of the regiments giving way. But Gen. Kearney quickly got it back by sending out 3 guns and a small number of reliable Michigan men. There was 10 from each company of the 3d, and I think the same number from the 2d and 3d [5th?].

When they were coming back, Gen. Kearney rode up to our 3d boys, and said in response to the three cheers given him, "I have always found you in a fight. Ours' is the fighting division of the army. One more fight and we will be in Richmond," and with some remarks not very flattering to the credit of some of the Eastern troops who had cause the trouble today, he rode on.

We have, this afternoon, instructions to put two days' rations in our haversacks and keep our canteens filled, ready for a march.

Before this reaches you the telegraph may announce we are in Richmond.

From the Regiment’s camp near Harrison’s Landing, Virginia, Homer wrote to the editor of the Republican on July 3,

When I closed my last we were preparing for an attack, as it was evident that the attack on our right was not terminating in our favor. We prepared Saturday for the field in earnest, by giving each man 90 additional rounds of ammunition, and filling canteens and haversacks, ready for quick work, whatever it might be.

At dark the men were ordered to put up their best clothes and more valuable articles in their knapsacks, . . . and prepare to abandon the rest if necessary. This looked like retreat, but at the same time men were kept at work strengthening our rifle pits.

After dark the officers packed the most important company books and papers in two desks, and their own most valuable clothing in a small satchel, each limiting himself to as little as possible, and about 12 the two regimental wagons had taken the desks, some provisions and the best tents, while the sutler's wagon, under charge of Mr. Nelson, took the officers baggage, and started to join the train which was forming back in the woods.

We then laid down, waiting patiently for orders to move, but none came until after daylight, when the balance of the tents, desks and extra clothing were burned or thrown into the wells, and we fell in, looking, as a general thing, rather blue.

When the brigade was ready to move, the pickets were drawn in, and we moved back to the rifle pits from which we moved into the engagement at Fair Oaks, and then rested until afternoon. We could hear firing on our right which showed that the enemy were aware of the move.

The morning was foggy, which probably somewhat assisted our preparations. We crossed the ford at the swamp about 5 p.m., and camped for the night about 2 miles further on. Just before crossing the ford, our pickets were attacked by a large force and probably some of the stragglers were taken prisoners.

Monday morning we were up and under arms before sunrise, and went back a short distance and waited in the rear until afternoon, when the enemy came on in force and made an attack which they certainly found us ready to receive and repel, doing them great damage.

While the engagement was going on toward night, Gen. Berry rode up to our brigade and called out the 2d and 5th Mich., and next the 1st and 37th N.Y. to drive back the enemy, who were attempting to take a battery placed in the field near us. They went in with a shout of exultation which must have sounded unpleasant to the enemy, and I believe their rifles were dreaded still more.

The 3d expected to go next, but at this moment a regiment was directed to be sent to the right to support Gen. Birney, and we filed off through the woods until we came up to the 4th Maine regiment, lying behind the 20th Indiana, who were doing their duty nobly, while the enemy kept their position and returned the fire with a vengeance.

All laid flat on the ground to avoid the bullets and shell which came through the woods striking all around us. The Indianans held the ground, doing all the fighting until dark, when we marched off by the right flank through the woods, forming in a long line as a picket reserve to keep the enemy from pushing through.

In the night we threw out two pickets from each company along the whole line some 50 paces to give notice of any appearance of the rebels, and then laid down for some rest, which we very much needed.

Between 2 or 3 o'clock all were awakened and quietly ordered to fall in and follow the front of the column without orders, and to leave the pickets (who were strengthened to six on a post) without notifying them, and they would be brought in by the officers in the rear of the column.

All walked quietly as it was well understood that the safety of all depended on our success in reaching the balance of the troops on the Charles City road before the enemy knew that we were moving.

We reached there about daylight,and soon our pickets began to appear. They had, through some mistake, received no notice, and as soon as they found they were alone,made a move to find us, and I think at this time all have got in.

When we reached the road it was crowded, but there was generally good order observed. Many gave out and sat down when they could go no farther, and probably many such are prisoners, as the wagons and ambulances were mostly ahead, and many regiments were away from their brigades on picket, and marched directly from their posts to the road.

It was generally supposed by the men at this time, that we were to cross the river as soon as it was reached, but after marching a few miles we reached the open fields near the river, and found our troops forming as fast as they came in, and batteries placed to shell the woods as soon as our men were all in.

Kearney's division was rapidly formed and marched around to the right, taking a position facing the enemy. No sooner were we in position than firing commenced directly in front of us in the woods.

Our batteries commenced work near us, which soon brought a response in the shape of shell and solid shot that struck all around us, killing and wounding several in our brigade. These, with the hot sun pouring down as we lay in the wheat stubble, made it unpleasant, but some one must be there and we happened to be the unlucky ones, though when we witnessed the terrible slaughter which followed we thought that we had but little to complain of.

The musketry continued in terrible volleys from both sides, which indicated that the enemy were both in large force and in earnest. Towards night we were ordered to the front with the N.Y. 37th and crossed the field, taking a position to give the enemy a raking fire if they should drive our men back so as to come into the field. Soon a couple of batteries came up and commenced immediately throwing shell and grape among the enemy, which with the infantry that was pouring down towards them on the left and two or three batteries in another position, soon drove back the grey jackets, and as soon as they had begun to retreat the infantry withdrew, and all the batteries which were in position together with one or two of the gunboats, finished the job by filling the woods with the contents of their heavy caissons.

After dark the scene was the grandest imaginable. There was probably 50 cannon at a time throwing shot as fast as they could load and fire. Especially,the shell from the gunboats, looking like large comits [sic], was rather the most extensive exhibition of fireworks that I ever saw.

About this time a Minnie [sic] ball, (of which there we many still dropping around us although we could not hear a gun) struck one of our company, Charles W. LeRoy, who was lying near me at the right of our company, and inflicted a painful wound in his foot.

Another struck one Corporal Clapper of Co. I, killing him almost instantly. One or two others have been wounded slightly in our regiment, but I have not the names. Several in the brigade were killed and wounded during the day, but it is impossible yet to give a correct list.

. . . . The roads were bad, and the large number of troops, together with the long trains, made it slow work.

Large amounts of property were destroyed, many of the wagons getting fast and having to throw away their loads in order to move to let others get along, and as fast as the men began to give out they would throw away clothing, guns, provisions or anything to get along.

These military strategies are somewhat played out with all of us when we come to hard marching in retreat, and having to throw away so much that must be paid for and more got to replace it. And this is not the worst feature. Many of our friends were left to fall into the hands of the enemy, and especially does it seem hard in the case of the wounded.

But if this rebellion can be crushed out by this terrible loss of life and property, and men are still plenty who are willing to take the risks and lose their lives in any way that may seem necessary to carry out the purposes of the government, and we can have Statesmen and Generals who will conduct it that way which shall soon bring it to a certain close, we who are in the field will not complain.

Our division is now encamped in a pleasant place near the river, where we understand we are to stay for a time to recruit up and prepare for future operations.

Capt. Whitney is sick and at the hospital at Fortress Monroe, but writes me that he will soon be back to join his company.

No mails have been received since we started from the rifle pits until last night, when they commenced coming in by the bag full, until nearly all are supplied; that is, for a day or two, but we shall look as anxiously as ever tomorrow for something more from home.

Yesterday salutes were fired, bands played, and we had quite a celebration, though it lacked a good 4th of July celebration and dinner -- but we hope to be with you on the next.

On August 9, while still at Harrison’s Landing, Homer wrote to Mr. Parsons in Lansing,

We are now looking quite as anxiously for news from the North as you are from us, and the readiness with which the President's call for more troops is being obeyed, infuses new life into the army here.

There has been no demonstrations on the part of the rebels here since that of two of their batteries on the opposite side of the river a few nights ago, and we have plenty of troops now over there to prevent a repetition of that performance. I was at the Landing when some of the infantry went across the next day and destroyed the house and outbuildings which was used as a cover for the enemy the night before, and when I learned that it was the property of the man who fired the first gun at Fort Sumpter [sic; Edmund Ruffin?], I said, with hundreds of others who witnessed the conflagration, that it was but just. Houses, barns and trees were leveled, everything that would afford a shelter for the enemy's guns was laid low. There is great activity in all departments as to what move will be made next.

Gen. Berry has gone home to Maine, on a short leave of absence, recruit his health, and the Brigade is temporarily under command of Col. Dyckman, of the 1st N. Y. Within a few days past we have received reinforcements to this Brigade from Richmond (part of our men who were taken prisoners, having been exchanged), 94 in all, and there are several more yet to come. They complain of pretty severe treatment while in Richmond.

In compliance with a recent act of Congress, our regimental bands are to be immediately mustered out of service; this is regretted exceedingly, though it is partly made up by the allowance of brigade bands.

Two officers for each regiment and one man from each company are to be sent North immediately for recruits for their respective regiments. Sergt. Stevens from company G, will soon be n Lansing and give any who want it an opportunity to enlist in the 3d. He was selected for this duty as a recognition of his uniform good conduct and bravery, and we would all be pleased to hear of his appointment to a position of higher rank in one of the new regiments. And there are others in the company and many in the regiment who would do good service for our country in command of companies. Men who have had experience, if only as privates, in nine cases out of ten make better officers than can be found among the many aspirants for office who have seen no service.

Samuel Alexander has received the appointment of assistant engineer of this division. Ketchum is at the hospital at the Landing, though not dangerously sick. James Davis, Gardner and Stephenson have been recommended for a discharge. Large numbers of the sick have recently been sent North and there are many more yet sick at the hospitals here, though the general health of the troops is improving. This is, no doubt, partly due to the change of diet, consisting of onions, cabbage and turnips in place of whiskey and some other articles not needed.

Send us men to fill up the regiments in the field and the good work shall go on to a speedy termination. Yours, H.


Homer was on detached service as Brigade provost marshal in August of 1862 through October. On September 2 from Alexandria he wrote to Lansing,

The 3d Regiment has again been engaged with the enemy, and suffered severely. The lists of killed and wounded are not yet completed, but as near as I can learn the following is the loss of Co. G:

Corporal William F. Hogan and private Albert Lewis, killed.
Orderly Sergeant George Ellis, wounded in hip, probably mortal.
Sergeant A.G. Newman, wounded in right arm, amputated.
Corporal Peter Clays and private A. Miller, wounded and missing.

Corporals B. F. Hammond and Allen Shattuck, and privates Wm. Bryce, I. M. D. Crane, A. J. Hath, O. Richards, Alex. Ross, Alva Weller, and John A. Stanton, wounded, most of them slightly.

The entire loss of the regiment is about 130 in killed and wounded. The engagement was on last Sunday, near the battle field of the 21st July, 1861.

Last night Gen. Kearney was killed while venturing too close to the enemy's lines. His remains passed through the city today on the way home to New Jersey. Our division is in mourning for those who have fallen, and especially for our brave commander.

I hear this evening that the division is ordered back to our old camp ground of last year, near Fort Lyon.

I have been on duty in this city with the provost guard of our brigade since we came form the Peninsula, but shall probably join the brigade tomorrow.

The city is full of rumors of victories and defeats, and it is a hard matter to find out the positions of the two armies, but our troops are in good spirits and pushing on with a determination to conquer.

By early September his wife had joined him in Virginia.

In late October Homer wrote to Mr. Parsons from a camp near Edward’s Ferry, Maryland.

Our Brigade moved from Upton's Hill, Va., to this place, twelve days ago expecting to be in time to engage the enemy before their return to Virginia, but found ourselves a little too late, and are now doing picket for eight miles along the [C & O?] canal. Our Division is under Gen. Stoneman, and by a recent order, we belong to the Ninth Corps de Armee, commanded by General Burnside.

The weather has been pretty fine this fall, but the nights are beginning to be pretty cold, and if we are to make many more moves it is hoped they may be ordered soon. The health of the regiment is generally good. The boys of the 3d, as usual, are in good spirits, and Co. "G" especially, were much pleased yesterday by the return of Lieut. Mason, and also by a visit from Mr. Warner, of Lansing. It is a great pleasure to meet any one here that we have known at home.

I visited the 20th Mich. Regiment a few days since, and found them scattered along the canal on picket, 15 miles above here. They are beginning to appreciate some of the pleasures of a soldier's life; and while some admitted that their board and lodging was rather inferior to that furnished at the "Benton" and "Eagle,” they generally agreed that it would do for soldiers. Col. Williams was feeling well, and spending his time (as he always has done) for the benefit of his men.

There are rumors of the enemy making attempts to cross again into Maryland, but nothing to be relied upon. It may be that they will repeat this last act, for they certainly do some curious things, but we very much doubt their ability to get back with so little loss again.

I may possibly soon have something of importance to communicate, but the indications now are that we are about settling down for Winter quarters.

On November 1 from a camp near Leesburg, Virginia, Homer wrote to the Lansing Republican,

We have again invaded the sacred soil of Virginia, and encamped last night at this place, on the road between Leesburg and Winchester.

Orders came the 27th inst., to cross the Potomac. On the following day one division came over at White's Ford. It had rained for twelve hours previous to our crossing, but the river spreads out to 50 rods in width, and is only 2 1/2 or 3 feet deep at the deepest places, and all passed with but few accidents.

The inhabitants of this county (Loudon), war nearly all the strongest kind of secessionists, and most of the male population both black and white -- are in the rebel service. This is the richest portion of Virginia, but so poorly cultivated for the past twenty months that the appearance is quite desolate. The buildings are large and substantial, and built usually of stone.

Yesterday half a company of our cavalry were taken prisoners some miles out, and today, brisk cannonading can be heard in the same direction, so that we are making our calculations to see active service before going into winter quarters, but what the intentions of our Generals may be, can only be guessed at by us. Although it is unpleasant to be on the move during the fall rains, if we can assist in that way to bring the war to a speedy termination our efforts will not be regretted. So far this fall, the weather has been beautiful, and the roads are yet good.

There are very few sick, and all are in good spirits, and many are preparing to change to the Regular service, as they are allowed to do by a recent order from the War Department.

As fast as anything of interest occurs you will hear from us.

On December 17, from near Falmouth, Virginia, Homer wrote to Lansing,

As your readers are always anxious to know how the Michigan boys come out of battle, I will try to tell them something of the doings of the 3d at the taking of Fredericksburg. We moved from our camp on the morning of the 11th just as the cannonading commenced, but did not cross the river until about 10 a.m. on the 13th, when we were marched to a position ten miles below Fredericksburg and to the front, to support a battery which was about being charged upon by two regiments of the enemy. The 3rd and 5th Michigan, 37th N. Y. and 17th Maine are soon in line, and all but the 3rd commenced firing, which soon checked the enemies [sic] advance. It was pretty warm work for a time, as the rebel batteries were shelling us from the edge of the woods about 1000 yards away, but the field was soon clear of the enemies [sic] infantry, and comparative quiet restored until towards dark. Gen. Reynolds with some of his staff rode up in front of us, and directed a shot to be fired on some of the enemy in the edge of the woods, which was immediately answered by at least two batteries, which concentrated their fire on that point, causing the General to make a speedy exit, and every body else to lay low. Our brigade lost during the day about 150 in killed and wounded, including Lt. Col. Gillufy, of the 5th, who was killed while leading his regiment. There are five men of the 3rd wounded, but none seriously. At dark the 3rd was placed on picket along a ditch in the field in front of the position held during the day. It was a cold night and the ground wet and muddy, but each man felt that he was doing his duty, and it certainly was done well and without murmuring. The Pennsylvania reserves had fought off this ground just as our brigade came up, and their wounded still lay in the field beyond our picket line, and could be heard asking piteously for water, and to be brought in off the field, but it was not in our power to assist them. Our company brought in one poor fellow during the night, and did what they could for him, but he was mortally wounded, and died soon after. We were kept on picket during the day (Sunday) and frequently exchanged shots with the Grey Backs who were in another ditch about 40 rods from us, but with little damage to either side, unless we shot closer than they did. During the day a flag of truce was sent out to get permission to bring away the wounded and dead, and while the officers on each side were consulting, some of the pickets [crossed] the field each half way, shake hands, talk a few minutes, and then return. It was altogether a novel proceeding, and of course entirely wrong. In a short time the bearers of the white flags were seen separating, and each side took their old places, and firing soon commenced quite brisk. It was now dark and the relief shortly after made its appearance when we quietly moved back to our old place behind the cannon and tried to sleep, which you will judge was not a sound one, laying down as we did without a fire and only a cold supper.

Monday we had some artillery firing, and in the afternoon another flag of truce was sent over and arrangements made by which we had one hour to bring away our wounded and dead . when the time was up we had brought across the line 23 wounded and 75 dead of the dead, and the latter stripped of every thing valuable, and nearly all shoeless. Two officers had nothing left but their vests and underclothes. I hope I may never hear of our soldiers practicing such barbarity.

In the evening it became apparent that some grand move was to be made, and it was generally supposed that a night attack had been planned, and so there had as it turned out, but it was for the other side of the river, VIA the Pontoons instead of harm to the enemy, and we were soon marching in quick time on our back track, and when across in the woods were ordered to make ourselves comfortable for the balance of the night; and some did, if we except the dampening effects of a heavy shower, but the sun came out pleasant in the morning. and after breakfast we marched back and occupied our old camp where the boys had commenced log pens, and they are now completing them as though nothing had happened more than an ordinary drill or review. It has been one of the hardest undertakings on account of the weather, and what effect it may have to close the war, is the question; but as there are plenty with nothing else to do but discuss this point,I will leave it for them. Yours, H. L. Thayer

Homer was acting Regimental Quartermaster in January of 1863, effectively placing him outside of the mainstream of events occurring in Company G. It is possible that he returned home to Michigan briefly sometime in early 1863.

Apparently sometime in the middle of February, 1863, Thayer was court-martialed. According to a letter written on February 16 from an assistant Adjutant General to General David Birney who was commanding the First Division of the Third Corps,

The proceedings of the Board of Inquiry convened by Special Orders No. 7 for the Headquarters 1st Division, 3rd Corps, are approved. The conduct of Lieutenant Homer L. Thayer, 3rd Michigan Volunteers in remaining absent from his command after an extension of his leave was refused, was a gross breach of military discipline, unjustifiable under any circumstances, and consequently is deserving of severe censure. -- But in view of the recommendation of the Board, the Secretary of War, in this instance, directs that the bar to his receiving pay be removed and that he be continued in the service.

From camp near Falmouth, Virginia, Homer wrote to Lansing on March 27, 1863,

Since the battle of Fredericksburg, nothing of particular interest has occurred in our regiment. The time has been taken up in drilling, target practice, picket duty and reviews. Gen. Hooker has busied himself since he was placed in command, in becoming acquainted with the condition of his troops, and by his untiring exertions this army has been placed in better trim for service than it ever was before. Strict discipline is being enforced; incompetent officers have been disposed of without partiality; men unfit for service are being discharged and all the preparations are going on for an early campaign and active service.

Yesterday our division was reviewed by Gen. Sickles (the Corps commander,) accompanied by Gov. Curtin; and every day the troops are paraded for inspection, either by the Brigade or Regiment, and everything lacking in clothing or equipments is noted down and sent for immediately, so that when the order comes to march nothing will be lacking.

Transportation is cut down to the least possible amount, being from three to six wagons to a regiment, (according to the number of men,) and two pack mules to carry the officers shelter tents and extra rations, the wagons to carry the rations for the men, and an average of twenty-five pounds for each officer; so you see our summer outfits will not be cumbersome.

St. Patrick's day was duly celebrated on the grounds by the Irish Brigade, by hurdle racing, steeple chasing, etc., and today this Division has been engaged in the show business. A purse of $500 was distributed between the owners of the fastest horses, and the men who performed the greatest feats are running, jumping, climbing, or in any other way making the most fun. Gen. Hooker attends all the shows, and we suspect he is preparing one for us which will not be quite so funny.

This Regiment is commanded by Col. B. R. Pierce, and numbers about 350 men [ROUGHLY 1/3 OF THE ORIGINAL NUMBER] present for duty. Sergt. Cook, Corporal Clays, privates A. Miller and J. Ellsworth, have recently been discharged from Co. G, and Orderly Sergt. T. B. Ten Eyck has been appointed a 2d Lieutenant.

Our principal anxiety just now, is to see the Paymaster, as our last payments were for October [1862]. These delays come hard on those who need their wages for their families, and it is hoped that the evil may soon be corrected. Disappointments of this kind, mixed with the fault-finding and discouraging letters and papers which some at the North send to the army, have occasionally caused murmurings, but the soldiers are beginning to take a deeper interest in the work before them, since the people of the North are showing themselves in earnest, and the curses are loud and deep for that class of men to which our neighbor belongs who designates the patriots and liberty-loving army as "hellhounds,” and he may thank his state that he is at a safe distance from them, for he might find it expedient either to modify his strong language or else seek a home among his 'brethren.”

Put a stop to these drawbacks at home and the army is large enough.


We cannot move far without encountering the enemy, so you may soon expect exciting news from the Rappahannock.

From Camp Sickles, Virginia, Homer wrote on May 7, 1863,

As you will learn by other sources of the general doings of this army for the for the past eight days, I will only speak of this Brigade and Regiment.

The fighting was desperate and our losses large, but it is impossible yet to make accurate statements, as some of the missing will, no doubt, be found. This Brigade lost in killed, wounded and missing, about 550, of which 76 are from the 3d Regiment; of this number 5 were killed, 50 wounded and 21 missing.

Capt. Joseph Mason, of Co. G, was killed on Sunday, by a piece of shell while the Regiment were in line supporting a Battery. He was one of the best officers in the Regiment and his loss is felt deeply, especially by our Company to which he has belonged since its organization.

O. C. Ingersoll was wounded in [the] leg; J. M. D. Crane and Arthur Watkins, each in the shoulder; Oliver Richards slightly in the foot, and Wilson Shattuck lost a finger. Corporal Phil H. Wiers and private Abram Ketchum were lost in the attack made by our Division on Saturday night and are reported as missing. Col. Pierce was wounded slightly in the hand. Lieut. Smith of Co. D, lost a foot, and Lieut. Tate of Co. I received a slight wound in the face.

There are rumors this morning that the enemy are crossing the river to attack us on this side. If this be so, they will find us ready for them, as we had much rather select our ground than to have them do it for us.

As usual, after an engagement like this, all is excitement and confusion; and officers are praised or blamed by others, according to their own ideas of merit; but when the facts are all mad known through the proper channels, the public will see why were defeated.

His court martial notwithstanding, in May of 1863 he was transferred from Company G to Company I, and commissioned First Lieutenant as of March 25, 1863, replacing Lieutenants Thomas Waters and Lieutenant Thomas Tate, although in fact he remained acting Regimental Quartermaster from June 13, 1863. He was present in August and September, and was aide-de-camp on the Brigade staff in October and November.

In December he was on detached service at headquarters Third Corps through April of 1864. Charles Church wrote a rather curious note home on February 15, 1864, regarding, it seems, the recent crediting for the reenlistments of some of the men from the Third Michigan. “Lieutenant Thayer,” wrote Church, “was the cause of having company G credited to Lansing. Probably he made something out of the sell. I should like to know. But now we shall have to make the best of it.”

Homer was promoted Captain and Commissary Subsistence United States Volunteers, on May 2, 1864 at the Wilderness, Virginia, and promoted Captain as of April 30, 1864. “We see by the Washington Chronicle,” wrote the Republican on April 20, “that H. L. Thayer, of the 3rd Michigan infantry, has been appointed by the President, and confirmed by the Senate, as assistant Quartermaster with the rank of captain. Capt. Thayer is a resident of this city, and went out as a Sergeant in Co. G, 3rd Regiment, just 3 years since.”

In 1865 he applied for and received a pension (no. 755539).

Homer was promoted to brevet Major, United States Volunteers, on May 13, 1865, and he wrote the Republican from Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, that “‘The Michigan Brigade of cavalry [consisting of the First, Fifth, Sixth and Seventh Regiments] have arrived here en route for the plains towards Denver City, to look after the Indians. Most of the men are sadly disappointed, as they expected to be mustered out and allowed to go home, when their services were no longer required in fighting the rebels.’”

On February 1, 1866, he wrote the paper from Fort Lyon, Colorado Territory,

During the past month I made the trip from Michigan to this place with J. M. Case, of your city, coming the usual route by rail to the Missouri River, and thence by the Santa Fe stage, a distance of 525 miles, over the grand prairies of the great west. The weather was intensely cold, and we met several trains with half the men frozen, some very badly; and all told us the Indians would certainly interfere with out traveling, and when we reached Fort Dodge, about 300 miles out, found that there was some truth in the rumors of red skins, and saw some soldiers under command of Maj. Mills, of the 18th infantry, who had encountered several hundred the day before, who were on the War Path, with Paint and Feathers, but who declined to fight U.S. troops in large numbers, and declared they were only hunting buffalo; but as the stage could get no escort conveniently, we traveled on and had no serious trouble, except in trying to keep warm enough to take a few minutes sleep while changing mules at the stations.; and then at some of the creeks which were not frozen hard enough to hold the coach, we had to clamber out and lend a helping hand, lifting on the wheels, or unloading the baggage. Four nights out, we spread our Buffalo Robes and Blankets on the snow, and slept a little, but the Prarie [sic] wolves were too musical for ears; and especially one night when they awakened us, tugging away at one corner of our Blankets, we thought of more agreeable places to spend a winter's night, further down East.

There were herds of Buffalo continually in sight for three or four days, and plenty of antelope and chietas [sic] or prairie wolves, and though we were well armed there was little fun in getting out in the cold to kill game which we could not carry with us. Our troubles finally ended on the 13th day from Leavenworth, and we are now busying ourselves in receiving the transfer of the Qr. Master's duties and will tell your readers more of the plains, hereafter.

Homer and his wife Julia were living Fort Lyon in June of 1866 where Homer was Captain of the Commissary. At some point that summer he suffered a hernia which would continue to plague him for years to come.

He was mustered out of service on February 26, 1867, and remained out west working with a topographical survey where he also pursued an interest in mining. In 1870 he was listed as living in Denver, Arapahoe County, Colorado. In 1880 he was working as a map maker and living with his wife in Leadville’s Fourth Ward, Lake County, Colorado in and in 1882 was probably working as a map publisher at 104 Oak Street in Leadville and living at the rear of 100 S. Toledo Avenue.

Homer eventually returned to Michigan and was employed for several years by Secretary Baker of the state board of health. At one time he served as clerk of the commission in charge of Mackinac Island state park.

By 1888 he was living in Lansing’s Third Ward, and in the Fourth Ward in December of 1890 when he became a member of the Old Third Michigan Infantry Association.

In March of 1900 he joined the Grand Army of the Republic Charles T. Foster Post No. 42 in Lansing. He probably lived the remainder of his life in Lansing, and from about 1899 until his death in 1904 he took care of his wife who was an invalid.

Homer was residing at 812 W. Lapeer Street when he died of dropsy in the Lansing city hospital at 3:00 a.m. on Saturday morning, October 22, 1904, and funeral services were held at the home of Daniel Mevis, 515 Lapeer, at 2:00 p.m. on Sunday. He was buried on October 23 in Mt. Hope cemetery, Lansing: section 5 lot 49-R.

In 1914 (?) Julia applied for and received a pension (no. 586243). At some point after Homer’s death Julia became a resident of the Soldiers’ Home in Grand Rapids.

James B. Ten Eyck

James B. Ten Eyck was born on July 18, 1838, in New York, probably the son of Cornelius (b. 1808) and Emma (b. 1811).

New York natives Cornelius and Emma were married, presumably in New York, sometime before 1836, and by 1850 James was attending school school with three of his siblings and living on the family farm in Vernon, Oneida County, New York.

Cornelius eventually moved his family west and settled in Michigan. By 1860 Cornelius was working as a carpenter and living with his wife and children in Lansing’s First Ward, Ingham County. James was probably living in Lansing, Michigan, in the Spring of 1861 when he became a member of the Lansing militia company called the “Williams’ Rifles,” whose members would serve as the nucleus of Company G.

James was 23 years old and probably living in Lansing when he enlisted as Second Lieutenant in Company G on May 10, 1861, along with his cousin (?) Jerome.

He was married to New York native Elizabeth Freeman (1842-1915), on June 9, 1861, and they had at least two children: Flora or Florence (b. 1864) and Grace (b. 1869). James was married just four days before he left for Washington, DC, with the Regiment. According to one report, “Lieut. Ten Eyck married on the 9th, . . . leaves a bride, and . . . goes direct from the altar to the field, leaving sad hearts behind [him]. Heaven grants [him] a safe return.”

During the first battle of Bull Run on July 21, 1861, James had suffered considerably. “Lieutenant Ten Eyck,” wrote the Republican on August 7, “acquitted himself most honorably in the recent engagement. He was on parole for the benefit of his health when the order to advance was given, but took his place promptly in the company and went forward with it, although he had to be carried a considerable of the way in an ambulance. He was the only commissioned officer of the company in the battle, Lieutenant Jefferds having been broken down with sickness, and Captain Price having been taken sick at Vienna, and returning to Washington [true]. After the battle Lieutenant Ten Eyck was too much exhausted to walk, and was borne some distance on the shoulders of a couple of men, and was subsequently taken on horseback by a mounted officer.” The paper added, “Lieutenant Ten Eyck states that, from information derived from prisoners and deserters, he learned there were ten thousand Negroes and three thousand Indians in the rebel army. The Negroes were trained to work the artillery, and the Indians had been told that the South were going to conquer the North and give the Indians back their lands.” Ten Eyck resigned on account of disability on July 29, 1861, and returned to Lansing on Friday, August 2.

Shortly after his return to Lansing Ten Eyck wrote the Republican to make a correction in one of the paper’s recent stories. “I notice that in your announcement of my return, as published in your local column of last week, you give me the credit of having command of my company in the battles of both Thursday and Sunday at Bull Run. This is a mistake. Lieutenant Jefferds had the command in Thursday's battle, I only acting as second in command. Lieutenant Jefferds was taken sick that night, and I only took command from that time -- having command on Sunday. Justice to him demands this correction, as nothing but sickness and inability prevented him from staying with his company, and not cowardice, as some of his enemies would endeavor to make out. Lieutenant Jefferds, when able, ever did his duty.”

It is not known how long James remained in Lansing after he was discharged from the army, but by the end of 1865 he had apparently settled in Eaton Rapids, Eaton County. He soon became a newspaper publisher.

On December 7, 1865, James became owner and publisher of the Eaton Rapids Journal. In his first editorial James wrote:

In commencing the publication of the Journal, we do so at the earnest request and with the promise of the hearty support of the citizens of the locality in which it is published; what the future of our experiment shall be -- its publication for a short or a long period -- depends alone upon the maintenance of these pledges, and the otherwise general support and patronage it will receive from the hands of the people. The Journal is intended to supply the want, so long felt, of means whereby to advertise to the public at large the business wants and resources of this section of the State, and that the Journal will do so can be proven alone by its future career, and not by any promise that wemight, perhaps, see fit to give now. Such promises on the part of a paper can alone be kept so far as the same is made the medium to advertise those wants and resources by those having such matters in charge. In fact, while a newspaper is indeed a means by which the people are expected to derive all kinds of intelligencer, from the knowledge of what th3e business of a place is by means of its advertising columns, to the latest general news, in order to do this it must have the advertising patronage of the place, a good subscription list, and both paid for as a means of doing it.

It is our intentiuon to make the Journal a paper worthy of a place at the fireside of every family in Eaton County, and as such, will contain as far as possible, all matters of interest transpiring in the County, the patest politcal, foreign, general and state news, the latest market reports, in fact, all matters of general interest and importance usually found room for in a weekly paper. But while the politicval news will be given more or less in its columns, the Journal will not be the organ of any party, and upon all political questions of the day will maintain a strict neutrality, believing that the intersts of the locality in which it is published can thus be better subserved, than by devoting its columns to the use of the long-winded and abusive articles usually found in papers of a political stripe, and which far toward engendering strife and ill-will rather than peace and harmony, a prosperous paper or a prosperous community.

With these few explanations of what are our intentions and expectations, we are content to make our bow to the public, and ask of the citizens of Eaton Rapids, and Eaton County in general, their future support and patronage.

The following week, the editor of the Eaton County Republican wrote that he had just received the first issue of the Eaton Rapids Journal, “published by J. B. Ten Eyck, $1.50 a year. Neutral in politics. The Journal is as well filled with reading matter, local news, advertisements, etc., as many older papers, and from its make-up, and the policy announced by its publisher, we have little doubt of its success. It will probably have less contempt for ‘politics’ as it grows older.”

He was probably the same J. B. Ten Eyck who was U.S. Postmaster in Eaton Rapids in the late 1860s and who was replaced by one H. M. Hamilton by February of 1869. By 1870 James had apparently moved to Bay County where he was working as the publisher of the Bangor (?) Herald and living with his wife and two daughters in Bangor, Bay County .

According to one source, however, James reportedly published the Eaton Rapids Journal until 1874 (?) when he sold the business to one Frank C. Calley (who subsequently changed the name of the paper to the Saturday Journal).

James died probably in Lansing or perhaps Eaton Rapids on July 2, 1873, and his remains were eventually reinterred in Mt. Hope cemetery in Lansing, section A lot 148 graves no. 7/8.

Elizabeth and Florence were living in Lansing’s Second Ward in 1880. In December of 1884 James’ widow was admitted into the Old Third Michigan Infantry Association as an honorary member. In 1908 his widow applied for a pension (no. 898453), but the certificate was never granted.

Allen S., Daniel W. and Nelson T. Shattuck

Allen S. Shattuck was born in 1839 in Pittsfield, Washtenaw County, Michigan, the son of Asa (1807-1889) and Adaline (b. 1813).

New Hampshire native Asa married New Yorker Adaline in 1835. Soon afterwards, probably around 1838, Asa moved his family to Michigan, possibly from New York, settling in Pittsfield, Washtenaw County by 1839. By 1840 Asa was still living in Pittsfield, Washtenaw County, eventually settling in Lansing in 1850 where he worked as a cooper and Allen attended school with his siblings (two of whom, Daniel and Nelson would also join the Old Third).

By 1860 Allen was probably a farm laborer working for James Finch in Sheridan, Calhoun County, and living with his family in Lansing’s Second Ward, where his father was a “mover of buildings.” Late that same year or perhaps in early 1861 Allen became a member of the Lansing militia company called the “Williams’ Rifles,” whose members would serve as the nucleus of Company G.

Allen stood 5’10” with blue eyes, brown hair and a light complexion and was 22 years old and probably still living in Lansing when he enlisted in Company G on May 10, 1861; his older brother Daniel and younger brother Nelson would join Company G the following year.

During the retreat from Bull Run on July 21, 1861, Allen noticed the regimental colors had been left behind and took it upon himself to rescue them. Lieutenant James Ten Eyck of Company G described the particular “bravery of Allen Shattuck, a Private in company G, and son of Captain Shattuck, of this place [Lansing], who had the honor of saving the Regimental colors” during the recent action at Bull Run. “It appears that the U. S. Regimental flag of the Mich 3d had been planted upon a battery and was left by the color Sergeant, thro’ accident. Shattuck was on picket guard and came in after the retreat of the Regiment. He prevailed upon those who were with him to assist him in taking down the flag staff, when they left. Nothing daunted, he tore the flag from the staff, coolly wrapped it up, turned to the enemy's cavalry which were only about fifteen rods distant, put his fingers to his nose in K. K. style, and then overtook the Regiment some 80 rods in advance of him.”

Probably as a consequence of his actions, Shattuck was promoted to eighth Corporal of the company. Frank Siverd of Company G wrote in early August that Allen “deserved the promotion. He has distinguished himself on several occasions, last particularly on the 21st of July, by mounting to the top of an old building and cutting away the flag staff, thereby preventing the Michigan 3d from wearing the dishonor of turning their backs to the stars and stripes. On our expedition to Bull's Run our Regimental colors were not unfurled from the time we left the Potomac until we retreated. If the same bearer and guard are to be retained the ladies of Grand Rapids need never fear that the colors they presented us with so much pomp and ceremony will ever be taken by the rebels, as there is not the least fear that they will ever get sight of them, nor will there be an opportunity for any of the brave members of the 3d to either distinguish or have themselves extinguished, in defense of our Regimental standard.”

Shattuck was indeed a risk-taker. According to Siverd, at about 9:00 a.m. on Friday morning, September 27, 1861, Shattuck, along with Privates Abram Shear and Amsey C. Johnson, “ventured beyond the lines, and incautiously leaving cover and appearing in an open lot, they were sighted by a rebel rifleman and Johnson became his victim. He was shot with a minie ball, in the right leg, about half way between the knee and ankle. The ball struck the inner angle of the tibia, and completely shattered both bones. Several pieces of bone come entirely out and lay in his stocking. Shattuck and Shear carried him to our lines and a Surgeon was immediately sent for.”

Sometime in early 1862 Allen was probably taken sick, and by the first of June of 1862, he was reported to be “recovering his health.” In fact, on June 2 he left the hospital at Yorktown and returned to the company. Homer Thayer of Company G wrote the following day that Shattuck reported to “Sergt. J. B. Ten Eyck as getting better, but not yet able to return to duty.” Shattuck had returned to duty by the time he was wounded slightly during the action at Second Bull Run on August 29, 1862. On June 12, 1889, during the dedication of the Michigan monuments at Gettysburg, Allen gave an address recollecting the movements of the Third Michigan during the Gettysburg campaign.

July 1 [he said] we went into camp on the grounds of St. Joseph’s Academy at Emmitsburg and remained there for the night, but were astir at an early hour on the morning of July 2, making a forced march of twelve miles to Gettysburg, while the almost death-like stillness on all side as we moved along foreboded the storm that was to break upon our heads so soon. On reaching Gettysburg, or the scene of action near that place (for the regiment never saw the village) we were halted and informed that we could get our dinner, which we set about as promptly as we could, but again disappointment met our wishes and needs, for before the water for our coffee had begun to boil we were ordered to fall in, and in quick time moved on our back track, or in the direction from which we had just come. We halted for a few minutes in the peach orchard, where there was a small force of cavalry sitting uneasily in their saddles, but soon we were ordered forward to support the sharpshooters, who were on the skirmish line. But hardly had the battle opened when it was found necessary to lengthen the skirmish line, when we were ordered forward on the right of the sharpshooters, while they were crowded to the left to near or into Little Round Top. In this position, unsupported by even any excuse for troops, we fought and even gained considerable ground, which we held until the right had been broken and a large force of the enemy were pouring down across our right flank. Still the “Old Third” held on, until Gen. De Trobriand, riding onto the line unattended by staff or orderly, commanded us to change front to right, saying as he did so, “Third Michigan, change front to right. I give ze order tree or four times. Change quick, or you all be gobbled up; don’t you see you are flanked? Ze whole rebel army is in your rear.” And true it was, a very large force of the enemy had broken through on our right and were swarming across our right flank. Never did a regiment change its front in quicker time than did the “Old Third” on this occasion, all the time contending for the ground which the rebels were trying to reach, and after our lines were once more established we did hold them in check until reinforced, when they were driven from the field, and we retired a short distance to cook and eat our supper

But little sleep visited our eyes that night, for well we knew that lee was not whipped and would renew the conflict as soon as he could make his new plans, which had been upset by Gen. Sickles’ prompt action this day. We were kept under arms all night, and long before daylight were in line awaiting the attack which we knew would come and expected every moment, but, having failed to carry this point, Lee turned his attention in another direction, thinking to catch someone napping, but again he found Michigan on guard and was confronted by Custer and his Michigan Brigade of Cavalry, and was again driven from his desired position. But having cast his lot here, he must fight or surrender, and to Gen. Lee, surrender was an unknown term, so he chose to carry out his plans, hoping by desperate attacks to force the army of the Potomac from their position, and thinking that his cavalry had carried out their part of the program, he opened upon us from all the guns he could train upon our position. It has been said there were 125 of them belching forth their thunder and showering their iron hail upon our lines of infantry and batteries which had not been equaled except, perhaps, at Malvern Hill and Fredericksburg. They continued this terrific fire until our batteries were silenced, as they supposed, then came those veterans of Longstreet’s corps in solid column from their rendezvous, direct toward the position still occupied by the ‘Old Third’ and the one they had tried so hard to carry the day before.

Everyone believed this was his intention, for once in possession of these heights and the Army of the Potomac was done for. Our lines were quickly formed, our batteries put into the best position for defense, and everything was in readiness to receive their onslaught; but disappointment again awaited us, for on reaching the low ground halfway between their starting point and our line, they broke by the left flank, and at a run made their way to the front of Cemetery Hill and charged that with all the courage born of desperation. But with such courage of the flower of his army Lee was doomed to see that idol of the South wither and fall as the grass before the scythe, for our officers were quick to interpret that movement as the rebels themselves, and battery after battery changed their position, those that could not get a new position changed their direction of fire, and every soldier absolutely not necessary for picket duty was put on the run by the right flank. The distance being shorter than the one the rebels had taken made up for the advantage they had of being first in motion. When they did strike our lines of artillery, which were now pouring grape and canister into their lines with terrible effect, our lines of infantry numbered nearly fifty to contend for the possession of those guns and heights, and well did that infantry do its duty, holding the rebels back at the point of the bayonet, while the gunners double-shotted their guns and poured the contents upon the advancing columns. In this famous charge the “Old Third” formed the tenth line of battle, and while they did not fire a shot they received their share from the enemy’s guns and did their duty in holding this very important point. Having vanquished the enemy, large details were made from many regiments. Here again the “Old Third” came in for their full share of carrying and caring for the wounded and prisoners, working all night to get the wounded rebels into comfortable quarters.

On the morning of the fourth of July a detail was made to feel the enemy’s position, but were soon recalled and removed to the old position they had held up to their call to assist in holding the heights on the afternoon of the third. Here they remained inactive, except details to bury the dead, until the morning of the seventh they advanced by way of Emmitsburg, Frederick City and Middletown, and recrossed the Potomac at Harper’s Ferry on the 17th; crossed the Shenandoah and marched around the mountain and up the eastern slope, until near Leesburg and halted for the night. The march was continued without incident of any great consequence till the morning of the 23rd, when, after an all night’s march, we found ourselves nearly through Manassas Gap, and after a hasty breakfast we deployed our skirmishers and commenced our advance upon the -- not rebels, for they were too far away to be reached even by cannon shot, but we could see them on the mountains several miles away and tried to shoot them but had the satisfaction of seeing our bullets ground on the mountain side a long distance below them.

This ends the Gettysburg campaign, and standing here in this Peach Orchard today, where we stood twenty-six years ago, though under very different circumstances, I look upon this small band of heroes, a remnant of that noble band of patriots who filed out from their pleasant camp at Grand Rapids, Mich., just twenty-eight years tomorrow morning, the largest [?] infantry regiment in point of numbers that was sent from our State, and allowing my mind to run backwards, I take in the pleasant ride to Washington, one month of preparation at Chain Bridge, the march to Bull Run, our baptism in the art of war on the field at Blackburn’s ford, the retreat to Arlington, our daily toil building fortifications, the pleasant camp in Michigan [should read “Camp Michigan”] during the winter of ‘61 and ‘62, the Peninsular campaign, Yorktown, Williamsburg and Fair Oaks, where we left many of the noblest sons of Michigan to enrich the soil of the Old Dominion, the disastrous nine days from June 25 to July 4, in which Gen. McClellan made his masterly change of base from the Pamunkey to the James at Harrison Landing; the second Bull Run, Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, and thence to his memorable field; again I see the long line of patriots who have laid down their lives that the nation might live, and turning I behold this beautiful granite monument erected to the memory of the men who fell not alone on this field, but on every battlefield on which the ‘Old Third’ took part, and that stone tells a tale of the heroism of as brave and noble band of patriots as every shouldered a musket in any cause, and ages after the last man who took an active part in this struggle has passed away, the traveler will pause as he approaches this spot and, reading this inscription “from Bull Run to Appomattox,” may exclaim: What volumes would that fill if properly written!”

Allen reenlisted on December 24, 1863, at Brandy Station, Virginia, crediting Lansing, Third Ward, was presumably absent on veteran’s furlough in January of 1864, and probably returned to the Regiment on or about the first of February. He was shot in the right elbow on May 6, 1864, at the Wilderness, Virginia, and subsequently hospitalized (at the same time that his brother Daniel was wounded slightly).

He was still absent wounded when he was transferred to Company F, Fifth Michigan infantry upon consolidation of the Third and Fifth Michigan Regiments on June 10, 1864, and was reported absent wounded through September. In fact, by late June he was home in Lansing on a furlough, “awaiting the healing of his arm, which was shattered by a ball.”

Allen was discharged on September 28, 1864, at Finley hospital in Washington, DC, for “resection of right elbow joint.”

After he was discharged from the army Allen returned to Lansing where he lived the rest of his life.

He married Engish-born Emma (1844-1906), and they had had at least eight children: Isabelle (b. 1868), Arthur (b. 1869), Timothy A. (b. 1871) Louis (b. 1876), Mrs. Frank Van Hinck, Mrs. Louis Storrs, Mrs. R. H. Menhinick and Mrs. Gillet Valentine.

By 1870 he was working as a painter and living with his wife and two children in Lansing’s Third Ward. (His parents as well as his brother Nelson were also living in the Third Ward in 1870.) although one source also reported that upon returning to Michigan form the war he took a position in the US Post Office where he wroked for some 15 years. He also reportedly served 10 years in the Michigan Adjutant general’s Office. (This is possibly when he worked on the official history of the Old Third Michigan history.)

He was working as a painter and living in Lansing’s Sixth Ward in 1880 along with his wife and children (two doors down lived his brother Nelson). Allen was living in Lansing in 1884 when he attended the Sixth Annual Reunion of the Soldiers and Sailors, at Battle Creek, Calhoun County. He was residing in the Sixth Ward in 1890 and at 1117 Lee Street in 1906, 1910, 1911 and 1919.

Allen was the “one selected by the state to do the interior decorating of the capitol dome and the blue vault and gold stars. . . .”

Allen was a very active member of the Old Third Michigan Infantry Association, and for many years was the recognized “Regimental Association Historian.” At the association reunion held in Lansing in December of 1884 he served as Toastmaster, and during the banquet for the Twentieth reunion of the association in mid-December of 1891 he gave a presentation on the Regiment’s history, which was “a continuation of the previous one by him. It was full of reminiscences of the career of the Regiment, speaking particularly of the campaign at Fair Oaks [Virginia]. He spoke lovingly of the gallant Phil Kearny, their old leader.”

The following year, at the Twenty-first reunion of the Association, “Historian” Shattuck “made a sketch of the Battle of Chancellorsville, as seen from his own personal standpoint.” In 1893 Allen “took up the thread of his narrative of the Regiment’s deeds where he dropped it a year ago as they were leaving the field. He carried it forward to Gettysburg, where it was again left for another year.” According to the Grand Rapids Herald, he “took a half hour in relating the story of the work of the Regiment at Gettysburg. [He] criticized historians for not more specifically mentioning by name a Regiment which did some of the best fighting and held a position in the face of deadly fire, and probably gained the day for the union.”

In 1894, during the evening’s banquet held by the Association, Allen “was the first speaker and he gave several chapters of exciting incidents in the active service of the Regiment.” At the annual Association reunion banquet on December 17, 1895, he “gave a partial history of [the Regiment’s] movements,” and indeed, by now Shattuck’s comments became something of an annual tradition.

On December 17, 1896, the Herald and the Grand Rapids Democrat both reported that “A. S. Shattuck of Lansing, as is his custom at each meeting, gave reminiscences of the war, picturing in an impressive manner the action taken by the Regiment in the first day of the battle of the Wilderness. He stated that it is a mistake as printed in the histories that the battle began at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, for from a record he made in his diary at the time and his personal recollection, he knows that it began at 1 o'clock and lasted until midnight, after which it took three hours to bury the dead. At the next session he will take up a description of the second day's battle.” The following year, during the association banquet Shattuck “gave a graphic description of the engagement and the death of 2nd Lieutenant [Milton] Leonard of Company F.”

According to the report from the Thirty-third annual reunion of the Association, held on June 30, 1904, Shattuck “was authorized to correct the records of the Regiment, now being prepared at Lansing.” This referred to the official state history series known generally as the “Brown books,” then being prepared by the State of Michigan. However, for reasons which remain unclear, the following year during the annual association business meeting, Allen reported that he had in fact been unable to correct the official history then in the process of being published. We know that his wife died in 1906 so he may have been preoccupied during the last ye4ar or so of her life.

In any case, this was unfortunate since the present official history reflects inaccuracies and and incompleteness which would not have existed had it been proofed by Allen who must have possessed the historical information on the regiment and its men needed to produce a thorough and proper history.

In 1909 he was still providing the wartime anecdotes during the annual Association evening banquet and, according to the Herald, “gave a splendid account of some of the trying days of the war.” The following year he was elected president of the Association, and during the banquet held that evening he “gave a short history of the Old Third as he saw it personally.”

Allen was also a member of the Grand Army of the Republic Charles Foster post no. 42 in Lansing, and a witness in the pension application of Orville Ingersoll of Company G.

In 1864 Shattuck himself applied for and received a pension (no. 35,613), dated November of 1866, drawing $18.00 per month in 1883 for a wounded right elbow.

After an illness of some four months, Allen died of “old age” at his home on 1117 Lee Street in Lansing, on March 26, 1919, and was buried on March 29 in Mt. Hope cemetery, Lansing: 6-29-C.

Daniel W. Shattuck was born in 1838 in Michigan, probably in Washtenaw County, the son of Asa (1807-1889) and Adaline (1813-1888).

New Hampshire native Asa married New Yorker Adaline in 1835. Soon afterwards, probably around 1838, Asa moved his family to Michigan, possibly from New York, and by 1840 Asa was still living in Pittsfield, Washtenaw County, eventually settling in Lansing in 1850 where he worked as a cooper and Allen attended school with his younger siblings (two of whom, Allen and Nelson would also join the Old Third).

By 1860 Daniel was a fireman and engineer living with his family in Lansing’s Second Ward. According to his brother Allen Daniel was apparently with a woman named Lavina Cory, possibly since around Christmas of 1860, and they resided together until he enlisted in 1861. Allen was unsure whether or not they were married but he claimed years later that he was under the impression that they were.

In fact, according to another source, they were not married although they had been living together as man and wife. Mrs. Marietta Mises, a friend of the Shattuck family in Lansing both before and during the war, stated in that she “was present at an interview between Daniel . . . and Lavina Cory at the city of Lansing sometime in 1862 and the last time Daniel Shattuck came home in which conversation the said Daniel Shattuck said to Lavina Cory that he had wronged her and was willing to make it right as near as he could, and would marry her and make her his wife and asked me to go with them and witness the marriage; Lavina then and there refused to intermarry with Daniel and that after the death of” Daniel Lavina “told this affiant that she was sorry that she had not married” him.

Daniel stood 5’10” with blue eyes, brown hair and a fair complexion and was 22 years old and still living in Lansing when he enlisted Company C, First U.S. Sharpshooters, along with his younger brother Asa, on August 21, 1861, for three years, at Detroit, and was mustered on August 26. (The First U.S. Sharpshooters were comprised of companies from several different states; Michigan was represented in Companies C, I and K.)

By September most of the companies of the regiment were concentrated at Weehawken, New Jersey, but on September 24-25 they were moved to Washington, and were mustered into service on November 29. The regiment participated in the defenses of Washington through the winter of 1861-62. Daniel was discharged for disability on January 8, 1862, at Washington, DC.

Daniel returned to his wife in Michigan, probably to Lansing. He reentered the service in Company G, Third Michigan along with his younger brother Nelson and joining another younger brother Allen, on August 9, 1862, at Lansing for 3 years, crediting Lansing’s Third Ward, and was mustered the same day at Detroit. Daniel joined the Regiment on September 9 at Upton’s Hill, Virginia, and was sick in the hospital from October of 1863 through May of 1864. He returned to the Regiment and according to one report received a slight wound along with his brother Allen during the recent actions in early May at the Wilderness, Virginia or he was wounded severely in the hand and left leg.

Daniel was transferred to Company F, Fifth Michigan infantry upon consolidation of the Third and Fifth Michigan Regiments on June 10, 1864, and taken prisoner on June 22, 1864, near Petersburg, Virginia.

He died on April 26, 1865, “from barbarous treatment in prison” (probably from disease), or he may have died on September 17, 1864, as a prisoner-of-war in Columbia, South Carolina, and if so was presumably buried among the unknown Union prisoners-of-war at Columbia.

Daniel’s “widow” resided with his parents for two or three years after his death. His parents were living in Lansing’s Third Ward in 1870.

In July of 1887 his mother Adaline applied for a pension (no. 357731).

Lavina eventually moved to Ionia County, married a Mr. Swanger, and after he died returned to Lansing. She eventually married a second time to a Mr. Fuller and they settled in Lamont, Ottawa County. In 1888 Lavina wrote to the Pension office, apparently replying to an inquiry about whether or not she and Daniel had ever been married. “I will say,” she replied, “that our marriage was a mutual agreement between us, that we would be husband and wife to each other so long as we both lived. We considered that sufficient as the laws of Michigan recognize marriage to be a civil contract.”

Nelson T. Shattuck was born in 1841 in Michigan. the son of Asa (1807-1889) and Adaline (b. 1813).

New Hampshire native Asa married New Yorker Adaline in 1835. Soon afterwards, probably around 1838, Asa moved his family to Michigan, possibly from New York, and by 1840 Asa was still living in Pittsfield, Washtenaw County, eventually settling in Lansing in 1850 where he worked as a cooper and Allen attended school with his siblings (two of whom, Allen and Daniel would also join the Old Third). It is possible that Nelson was living and working in Whiteford, Monroe County, Michigan in 1860.

In any case, Nelson stood 5’11” with blue eyes, brown hair and a fair complexion and was a 21-year-old farmer living in Lansing’s Third Ward when he enlisted in Company G, along with his older brother Daniel (and joining another older brother Allen who had enlisted the previous year), on August 9, 1862, at Lansing for 3 years, crediting Lansing’s Third Ward, and was mustered the same day at Detroit.

He joined the Regiment on September 8 at Upton’s Hill, Virginia, and was a Corporal when he was wounded on May 3, 1863, at Chancellorsville, Virginia. According to one member of Company G, Shattuck had a finger shot off. One report listed him as being wounded a second time at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, and in Summit House hospital in Philadelphia by mid-July, while another claimed in early July that he was wounded and in West’s Building hospital in Baltimore. In any case, Nelson was reported absent sick in the hospital from June through February of 1864.

Nelson eventually rejoined the Regiment and was apparently wounded a second (or third) time on May 5, 1864, at the Wilderness, Virginia, after which he he was hospitalized in Satterlee hospital in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He was still absent in the hospital when he was transferred to Company F, Fifth Michigan infantry upon consolidation of the Third and Fifth Michigan Regiments on June 10, 1864, and remained absent wounded until he returned to duty on September 13. He was wounded severely a third (or fourth) time on October 27, 1864, probably at Boydton Plank road, Virginia, and subsequently hospitalized until he was discharged on February 18, 1865, at Alexandria, Virginia, as a consequence of his wounds.

Nelson eventually returned to Michigan.

He married Pennsylvania native Winnefred “Winny” (1846-1895), and they had at least seven children: Nellie (b. 1866), Asa (b. 1868), Carl (b. 1869), Adeline (b. 1871), Laura (b. 1873), Frank (b. 1876) and James (b. 1879).

By 1870 he was working as a laborer and living with his wife and children in Lansing’s Third Ward. (His parents as well as his brother Allen were also living in the Third Ward in 1870.) By 1880 Nelson was working as a laborer and living with his wife and children in Lansing’s sixth Ward (just two doors down lived his brother Allen). Nelson was living in Springport, Jackson County in 1883 when he was drawing $18.00 per month for a gunshot wound in the right arm and left hand (pension no. 39,804), but by 1890 he was residing in Lansing where he was living in 1911 and 1915.

Nelson may have been married to one Esther.

Nelson was a member of the Old Third Michigan Infantry Association and in May of 1914 he joined Grand Army of the Republic Charles Foster Post no. 42 in Lansing.

Nelson died a widower on September 19, 1921, in Lansing, and was buried on September 21 in Mt. Hope cemetery, Lansing: 5-203-D 1/2.

Oliver Richards

Oliver Richards was born in December of 1825 in Canada or 1831 in France.

Oliver left Canada and had settled in central Michigan by 1860 when he was a mason living in Lansing’s Second Ward with a carpenter by the name of C. P. Moore, who was born in Canada.

By the time the war broke out Oliver had become a member of the Lansing company called the “Williams’ Rifles,” whose members would serve as the nucleus of Company G.

Oliver stood 5’8” with blue eyes, gray hair and a light complexion and was 35 or 30 years old and probably still living in Lansing when he enlisted in Company G on May 10, 1861. In early September he was reported sick in the Regimental hospital suffering from a bad cold.

Oliver eventually recovered and returned to duty. He was slightly wounded during the battle of Second Bull Run, on August 29, 1862. Oliver returned to duty, was again slightly wounded, this time in the foot, on May 2 or 3, 1863, during the battle of Chancellorsville. He was soon returned to duty and reenlisted on December 24, 1863, at Brandy Station, Virginia, crediting Dayton, Tuscola County. He was presumably absent on veteran’s furlough in January of 1864, and probably returned to the Regiment on or about the first of February. He was shot in the right arm on May 12, 1864, at Spotsylvania, Virginia, and subsequently absent sick in the hospital.

He was still absent wounded when he was transferred to Company F, Fifth Michigan infantry upon consolidation of the Third and Fifth Michigan Regiments on June 10, 1864, and on July 29, 1864, he was admitted to the general hospital in York, Pennsylvania, suffering from “Impaired use of right arm, forearm and hand, in consequence of flesh wound of lower part of upper third of right arm, also incomplete fracture of inferior angle of right scapula, resulting in loss of power from nervous lesion of brachial plexus.”

Oliver remained absent wounded until he was discharged on May 12, 1865, at York for a “gunshot flesh wound of lower part upper third of right arm, also incomplete fracture of inferior angle of right scapula, resulting in loss of power from injury to nerve.”

After he was discharged from the army Oliver eventually returned to Michigan, and quite probably settled back in Lansing.

In June of 1865 he applied for and received a pension (no. 47404).

He married Canadian-born Catharine (b. 1835) and they had at least one child: Ida (b. 1869).

By 1870 he was working as a stonemason and living with his wife and daughter in Owosso’s Fourth Ward, Shiawassee County. For some years Oliver worked as a mason.

Oliver was listed as a single man when he died of inflammation of the lungs on or about February 1, 1878, in Lansing (in fact he was till married apparently). He was buried on February 2 in block E grave no. 19, “Potter’s field,” Mt. Hope cemetery, and was reburied on August 19, 1902, in the Soldiers Monument Lot.

His widow applied for a pension (application no. 245296), but she eventually remarried (possibly to one Mr. Sackrider) and a pension was applied for and received on behalf of at least one minor child (no. 344593).

John R. Price

John R. Price was born on July 1, 1816, in South Amboy, Middlesex County, New Jersey, the son of Xerxes (1777-1845) and Nancy (Letts, d. 1829).

At the age of 15 John decided to go to sea and went to Brooklyn, New York to undertake a 3-year cruise aboard the Hornet. He was dissuaded from this venture and instead became an apprentice carpenter, moving to Batavia, Genesee County, New York, in 1831. (In 1830 his father, who had worked as a potter, was still living in South Amboy.)

In 1834 he headed west to Michigan and settled in Sandstone, Jackson County, where he worked as a carpenter, and three years later, in 1837, he moved to Albion, Calhoun County, where he engaged in the manufacture of fanning-mills.

In 1843 he took up farming, and on March 15, 1843, he married Jane Powell (1818-1904) in Marengo, Calhoun County. They had at least four children: Mrs. Clara Wood; Mrs. Mary J. Twait; Elizabeth J. or Ella J. (probably Jane E., 1857-1863), and William A. (b. 1860)

In 1847 John moved to Lansing and, according to the Portrait and Biographical Album of Ingham and Livingston Counties, “in June he bought a tract of land all covered with timber, upon which he built a house and in February of the next year removed hither. This is the same place where he now resides and it comprises 4 acres within the limits of Lansing and near to the business portion of North Lansing.” He would also acquire a farm in Olive, Clinton County, although he continued his interest in the business of manufacturing fanning-mills, and he operated a “Seymour” saw-mill in North Lansing for less than two years. In 1850 he was a fanning-mill maker living his wife and child in Lansing, and in 1860 he was living with his wife and children in Lansing, First Ward.

By the late 1850s John had taken an interest in the organization of a militia company in Lansing, and on March 4, 1859, was elected and commissioned captain of a newly formed company in Lansing, the “Williams’ Rifles” (possibly named after General Alpheus S. Williams, one of the leading figures in the Michigan militia movement in the late 1850s).

“We understand,” wrote the Grand Rapids Enquirer on March 25, “that a new Rifle Corps has been raised at Lower Town, numbering forty men, to be armed with Minnie Rifles, and the new patent Spring Sabre bayonet. The bayonets can be detached and worn as side arms. The above is a new arm, and there are only forty in the State. A list of officers has not been received, but we learn that John R. Price, Esq., has been elected Captain, and Mr. Robinson, 2d Lieutenant. Success to them.” Although the “Rifles” was placed in the first class of companies in the Michigan State Militia by the end of 1860, it nevertheless ranked seventeenth in order of merit out of a total of nineteen recognized militia companies statewide.

When was broke out in 1861, the Williams’ Rifles naturally served as the focal point for those men in the Lansing area who desired to enlist, and on April 30 the Enquirer wrote that at present the “Two military companies at Lansing are already full. The ‘Williams Rifles’, Captain John R. Price, have over 90 men on their roll. Another company is being formed. Miss Jennie Hayes of Lansing, has offered her services as nurse in one of the Michigan Volunteer Regiments.”

By the first week of May “The Williams Rifles of Lansing,” reported the Enquirer, were “fully officered and manned; and, as we learn, have been appointed to fill the vacancy created in the Third Regiment, by the disbanding of the Portland company. The Lansing State Republican says: ‘We learn this company has received orders to march immediately to Cantonment Anderson, city of Grand Rapids. Now let the citizens of Lansing show their liberality by giving them such aid as they may need to enable them to respond at once to the requisition.’”
The “Rifles” boarded the Ramshorn on the morning of Monday, May 6, and ate dinner at Owosso. According to one eyewitness report “Everywhere along the route cheers and hearty greetings saluted them. At St. Johns a large multitude had assembled, with the Brass band, and saluted us with enthusiastic cheering, the band playing various national anthems.” The company arrived at Grand Rapids about 7:00 p.m. “and immediately preceded to ‘Cantonment Anderson,’ under the lead of Q.M. [Robert] Collins. They had their arms with them, and presented a fine and soldierly appearance. -- We are informed that the ranks of this company are more than full. Several of the prominent citizens of Lansing accompanied this troop to our city.” Price was 44 years old when he enlisted as Captain of Company G.

Ten days after their arrival at “Cantonment Anderson,” one of the members of the “Rifles” wrote home to Lansing describing their accommodations.

“Camp Anderson occupies the County fair grounds, 1 and a half miles from the center of the business portion of the city. It comprises about 40 acres, surrounded by high paling, with convenient buildings for quarters and men's rooms. The ground is oak openings, high and dry, with a well of fine soft water. A more convenient and healthy location could not have been selected.

“On Tuesday [May 7] our company was inspected by the Surgeon, and 33 were passed by the Surgeon, took the constitutional oath, and were mustered into service.

“The officers are gentlemanly, and assiduous in their efforts to make the third Regiments thoroughly efficient, and in this city they are heartily seconded by the volunteers.

“All our boys ask is, that they be allowed to remain in the camp for drill and martial exercise until they are called into the field. They like the location, the officers, and the fare, are satisfied that every effort will be made to render their camp as comfortable as a camp can be made.”

Near the end of May, Captain Price, who had been ill for some time, returned to his home in Lansing. On June 5, the Republican wrote that Price, “who has been in the city for the past ten days, left for Grand Rapids yesterday. He has, during his absence, obtained some forty recruits for the Third Regiment, all from this place and Owosso. He reports the soldiers in good spirits, and spoiling for a fight. We learn that only about thirty more men are wanted to fill up the Regiment.”

Due to continued ill health, however, Price was forced to remain in Grand Rapids when the Regiment departed for the east on June 13, 1861, and he superintended the three dozen or so men from the Regiment who also remained behind due to sickness. On June 16 the Detroit Free Press reported “There are now in Grand Rapids about 35 members of the Third Regiment, who were on the sick list, and were not able to leave with their Regiment. They are under the care of Doctors Platt and Aldrich, and will go forward as soon as able, with a few others who are yet absent on furlough. Capt. Price has been left in charge of these men, with orders to join the Third Regiment as soon as circumstances will permit.”

Third Michigan Adjutant Edward Earle, who had also remained behind in Grand Rapids on June 13, 1861, wrote on June 22 to Adjutant General Robertson. Earle was responding to an inquiry from Robertson over the status of the soldiers remaining in Grand Rapids. “I would state [the Adjutant wrote] that in all probability there will not be over twenty (20) men that will be enabled to leave with me on Monday next [June 24]. A number of our men are now on furlough. Some of which do not expire until Tuesday next [June 25]. These furloughs were given to men who had been sick, and would not be able to go. The certificate of the Surgeon I will bring with me. -- Captain Price wishes to know what disposition is to be made of those left behind, and whether he is to remain here or go on. He will be in Detroit Monday evening. We shall leave on the 11:20 train Monday morning and suppose arrangements will be made for our transportation.”

There seemed to be a persistent lack of communication between Detroit and Grand Rapids. On July 1 the Michigan state Adjutant General Robertson wrote to Captain J. W. Pierce in Grand Rapids, “Will you please inform me how many men of the Third Regiment are ready to leave for Washington. I have no report from Captain Price since he went back to Grand Rapids.” Two days later, on July 3, Price placed the following notice in the local papers: “All soldiers of the 3rd Regiment out on furlough or otherwise, are requested to report themselves at the Bronson House, Grand Rapids, immediately.”

Price then wrote to the Adjutant General on July 4, 1861, remarking that “I expected to have reported myself long before this time to you from Grand Rapids and have put of[f] from day to day to report from here hoping that I should be well enough to go there[.] I came home to stop a day or so and was taking [sic] with a fever and have some fever yet but am able to get up some today I think I shall be able to go in a day or two. I have written all most every day to the Rapids and received a letter this morning stating that there would be some 10 or 12 [men] well and ready to go by the first of the week[.] There are three here that say they will be able to go by Tuesday next. Sergt. Wilkinson says that there are two that won't be able to go then at the Rapids. I have to ask pardon for my tardiness in responding myself to your honor [as] you asked me to do.”

Price’s failure to leave with the Regiment in June caused some controversy in his own hometown. Writing shortly after the Regiment left Grand Rapids the Lansing Journal charged that Captain Price had no intention of going forward thus impugning his bravery. The Eagle felt constrained to defend Price. It wrote that while it was “true at one time,” but

with a reservation. He intended to remain with the Company unless satisfactory officers -- satisfactory alike to the Regimental staff and to the members of the Company -- could be chosen. Two of the members of his family have been unwell for several months past; one of the constantly and seriously unwell. At the same time was he engaged in a business which required close and active superintendence. It is not strange, therefore, under all these circumstances, that he should have preferred to remain at home. He was desirous, from patriotic motives to march South with the Regiment; but, if his presence could be dispensed with, duty required attendance upon his family. Hence, it was true that he did not at first anticipate that his presence would be absolutely required with his Company. But, from the first day of his arrival in Grand Rapids, the Regimental staff, and the men under his command, united in a strong desire that he should retain his position. In obedience to that desire he has done so; and, probably, when those words meet the reader's eyes, Captain Price will be on his way towards Washington, in charge of such men as are able to travel, who were left behind in this city, through sickness or otherwise, when the Regiment departed. He has fully equipped and prepared himself for the campaign, and will be again at the head of his company. He was ordered to remain in this city, by his superior officers, to take charge of the men left behind, and to see to the return of the articles which were loaned for the use of the soldiers at Cantonment Anderson. In all that he has done, he has pursued on the strict line of his duty; and none but the most fault-finding or malevolent could be induced to assail him in the manner in which the editor of the Lansing Journal has chosen to do in the article head, “A Disgraceful Affair.”

The Lansing Journal also questioned the motives of the city of Grand Rapids in the organizing of the various companies of the Third Regiment. The Eagle wrote in response to these charges,

Not content with thus abusing one of its own reputable citizens, the Lansing paper sees fit to can an undeserved slur upon our city. It represents that one of Grand Rapids’ “ambitious citizens” obtained the command of the Lansing company. There is not the least shadow of truth in this report. The Williams' Rifles [Company G] have no other officers except those whom the members of the company have voluntarily elected, and none who is a citizen of Grand Rapids. The only foundation for such a statement, is, probably, an expression which was obtained from the company several weeks ago. -- At a time when Captain Price supposed that circumstances would not allow him to retain his command, he desired an expression of the company as to whom they desired for his successor, in case he felt impelled to resign. We understood, at the time, that the men named only two persons, both of whom were citizens of Grand Rapids, and Lieutenants in the Third Regiment. If the Lansing company is ever officered or commanded by any citizen of this place, the Journal editor may rest assured that it will only be in obeyance to the wishes and request of the men, who are members of the Williams' Rifles.

The editor of the Journal has evidently allowed himself to be imposed upon, as some others have been by some one or more of them who started for the war, but as they approached the actualities of the camp, were taken off by a kind of white “liver complaint,” and as an excuse for their own disgrace have turned to vilifying those who do not follow their example and the citizens of Grand Rapids generally. We advise our brothers of the quill to be a little more cautious. . . .” and beware any “who attempt to slur the fair name of our valiant officers of our city.”

The article also defended, by inference, the choice of Edwin Pierce to command Company E - the Ionia and Portland boys - and pointed out that Company G, the Lansing group, were both officered by men from Lansing and not from Grand Rapids.

Meanwhile, among some of the men in Company G in Virginia, there developed a serious concern about the absence of officers at the “front.” On July 5, Frank Siverd of Company G wrote to the Republican asking “If Captain Price is not to return, and we little anticipate that he will not, an effort will be made by the company to induce Captain Elder [of the Elder Zouaves] to assume command of the Williams’ Muskets.”

However, on the night of July 9 Price departed for Washington, “in charge,” wrote the Enquirer the following day, “of 12 of those of the 3d Regiment who were left behind on account of sickness. There still remains about a dozen who will go on their way as they are able to.” Price joined the Regiment just before the it departed from its encampment at Chain Bridge, but no sooner had the Regiment departed from its quarters than Price had been taken ill on the march near Vienna, Virginia and was obliged to return to Washington. On July 19 Siverd wrote that Price had been taken sick the first night out from their camp in Washington and returned to Camp Blair, near Chain Bridge.

Charles Church, a private of Company G, was more blunt in his assessment of Price’s behavior since the Regiment left Chain Bridge. He wrote home on August 8 that “Captain Price completely sneaked out,” presumably during the Bull Run affair, and he noted that as of July 20 his company still had no captain.

On July 31, 1861 Price officially resigned on account of disability, and he was succeeded by Lieutenant Robert Jefferds, and in letter dated August 1 Frank Siverd wrote that Lieutenant R. B. Jefferds had been appointed to replace Captain Price, who had resigned. “Captain Price resigned,” said Siverd, “because he could not well do otherwise. He broke down and was really very sick on the first days march. It requires a much stronger constitution than he possesses to withstand the fatigue of a forced march, and we want officers who can always be with us. Price goes to the seashore to recruit.” Siverd further observed that “Full one-half the officers in the Regiment have changed since the Bull Run affair.”

After Price resigned he returned to his home Lansing where he lived the remainder of his life, alternating between his house in the city and his farm in Olive, Clinton County. By 1880 he was working as a house carpenter and living with his wife and children in Lansing’s First Ward.

He was living in Lansing in December of 1882 when he became a member of the Old Third Michigan Infantry Association and during the business meeting of the Tenth annual Old Third Michigan Infantry Association reunion in December of 1882, “On Motion, the old banner of the Regiment was turned over to the State Museum at Lansing, and Capt. Price, of that city, appointed a committee to convey it thither.” Price was living in Lansing in 1888 and in the First Ward (North Lansing) in 1890.

No pension seems to be available (probably as a consequence of not having served the minimum 90 days).

On March 16, 1893, the Lansing Sate Republican reported the details of the Fiftieth anniversary celebration held for Price and his wife. “It is very seldom,” wrote the paper,

that as distinguished or a company composed of so many of Lansing's old pioneers assemble together as gathered last evening at the home of J. W. Twaits and wife, 827 Cedar Street north, to celebrate the golden wedding, hence the fiftieth anniversary, of Capt. J. R. Price and his wife, parents of Mrs. Twaits.

Capt. Price, aged 77 years, is a hearty, strong veteran of the war, and has been a resident of Lansing since 1848. At this advanced age he is healthy and strong, and to look at him one would hardly think he had passed three score years. Mrs. Price, aged 75 years, is not as well preserved, yet as the aged couple stood last evening under a bower of flowers and were once more united in holy wedlock, they seemed the picture of health and happiness, standing as they did, their whitened heads bowed before the alter [sic] of Hymen, slowly repeating the words of the minister of the gospel, which one-half century ago bound them together, to battle the trials of this life. Rev. A. S. Zimmerman assisted by Rev. H. S. Jordan and Rev. W. S. Sly, performed the ceremony which took place at 7 o'clock. After the ceremony the entire company seated themselves at the wedding banquet which had been spread in the dining room and for two hours held high festival, toasting the aged couple.

After the wedding feast the spacious parlors once more became a scene of enlivenment, and the remainder of the evening was spent in making the presentations of numerous and costly gifts to the bridal couple. The first gift was the present of Mrs. Price to her husband of a beautiful crazy quilt, the work of her own hands. Among the other presents were several beautiful chairs, a large quantity of gold pieces, and many gold knives, forks and spoons.

The company present included not only many prominent citizens of Lansing, but also a large number of relatives from abroad, numbering in all about 175.

Among the relatives from a distance were Mrs. L. Houghton of New York, niece of the bridal couple; Mrs. Mattie Driggs, Galesburg, Il., niece; Mr. Dean and wife, Cyrus Cowen and wife of Parma, Mich., the ladies being nieces of the couple; Frank Normington of Ionia, nephew; F. R. Parker and wife, niece, of Battle Creek; Mrs. Carry Anderson, sister of the bridegroom, Mrs. M. W. Tanner, niece, of Saginaw; Joseph Powell, brother of the bride, and wife, of Ionia; Rev. Charles Hulbert, of Detroit, cousin; Hon. A. E. Cowles and wife, niece, and Mrs. William Howard, niece, of Mason.

Among the guests of the city who are among the oldest residents of this vicinity, were Joseph Warner and wife, S. L. Kilbourne and wife, S. R. Greene, L. Gillett and wife, Mrs. J. A. Kerr, Mrs. James M. Turner, Mrs. E. Longyear, Mrs. J. Longyear, A. G. Scofield and wife and many others.

During the evening several original poems, written for the occasion, extending congratulations to the aged couple were read, and several very fine musical selections were rendered by the Millard quartet.

In the final years of his life, wrote the Portrait and Biographical Album of Ingham and Livingston Counties, “Those who are the loudest in their own behalf are not always appreciated most highly by their neighbors, and the reverse of this fact is also true, as may be attested to by every one who knows the ‘old Marshal’ of Lansing, Ingham County. Capt. Price, who was Marshal of this city in its first days and held the office until within the last few years,is not a man who speaks his own praises, but he is warmly appreciated by every man, woman and child in this city and his resignation from that office on account of age was deeply regretted. His services to the country are appreciated by those who know his story and genuine regret is felt that technicalities should have derived one who is so worthy from receiving a pension as a token of a nation's gratitude.”

Price served a term on the School Board, was Commissioner for Highways, and served on both grand and petit juries, and was the first Marshal of Lansing. He was also an elder in the Franklin Street Presbyterian church and was at one time Superintendent of the Sunday school. He was, according to the Album, a Republican “of the old-fashioned kind and a true patriot in every sense of the word.”

John took sick in October of 1894, and was confined to his home. He recovered briefly in December, but was again confined to his bed, “and was a patient sufferer until death came to his relief.”

John died of dropsy in his home at 524 North Cedar Street in Lansing on July 11, 1895, and was buried on July 14 in Mt. Hope cemetery, Lansing: 10-95-A.

Allen S., Daniel W. and Nelson T. Shattuck

Allen S. Shattuck was born in 1839 in Pittsfield, Washtenaw County, Michigan, the son of Asa (1807-1889) and Adaline (b. 1813).

New Hampshire native Asa married New Yorker Adaline in 1835. Soon afterwards, probably around 1838, Asa moved his family to Michigan, possibly from New York, settling in Pittsfield, Washtenaw County by 1839. By 1840 Asa was still living in Pittsfield, Washtenaw County, eventually settling in Lansing in 1850 where he worked as a cooper and Allen attended school with his siblings (two of whom, Daniel and Nelson would also join the Old Third).

By 1860 Allen was probably a farm laborer working for James Finch in Sheridan, Calhoun County, and living with his family in Lansing’s Second Ward, where his father was a “mover of buildings.” Late that same year or perhaps in early 1861 Allen became a member of the Lansing militia company called the “Williams’ Rifles,” whose members would serve as the nucleus of Company G.

Allen stood 5’10” with blue eyes, brown hair and a light complexion and was 22 years old and probably still living in Lansing when he enlisted in Company G on May 10, 1861; his older brother Daniel and younger brother Nelson would join Company G the following year.

During the retreat from Bull Run on July 21, 1861, Allen noticed the regimental colors had been left behind and took it upon himself to rescue them. Lieutenant James Ten Eyck of Company G described the particular “bravery of Allen Shattuck, a Private in company G, and son of Captain Shattuck, of this place [Lansing], who had the honor of saving the Regimental colors” during the recent action at Bull Run. “It appears that the U. S. Regimental flag of the Mich 3d had been planted upon a battery and was left by the color Sergeant, thro’ accident. Shattuck was on picket guard and came in after the retreat of the Regiment. He prevailed upon those who were with him to assist him in taking down the flag staff, when they left. Nothing daunted, he tore the flag from the staff, coolly wrapped it up, turned to the enemy's cavalry which were only about fifteen rods distant, put his fingers to his nose in K. K. style, and then overtook the Regiment some 80 rods in advance of him.”

Probably as a consequence of his actions, Shattuck was promoted to eighth Corporal of the company. Frank Siverd of Company G wrote in early August that Allen “deserved the promotion. He has distinguished himself on several occasions, last particularly on the 21st of July, by mounting to the top of an old building and cutting away the flag staff, thereby preventing the Michigan 3d from wearing the dishonor of turning their backs to the stars and stripes. On our expedition to Bull's Run our Regimental colors were not unfurled from the time we left the Potomac until we retreated. If the same bearer and guard are to be retained the ladies of Grand Rapids need never fear that the colors they presented us with so much pomp and ceremony will ever be taken by the rebels, as there is not the least fear that they will ever get sight of them, nor will there be an opportunity for any of the brave members of the 3d to either distinguish or have themselves extinguished, in defense of our Regimental standard.”

Shattuck was indeed a risk-taker. According to Siverd, at about 9:00 a.m. on Friday morning, September 27, 1861, Shattuck, along with Privates Abram Shear and Amsey C. Johnson, “ventured beyond the lines, and incautiously leaving cover and appearing in an open lot, they were sighted by a rebel rifleman and Johnson became his victim. He was shot with a minie ball, in the right leg, about half way between the knee and ankle. The ball struck the inner angle of the tibia, and completely shattered both bones. Several pieces of bone come entirely out and lay in his stocking. Shattuck and Shear carried him to our lines and a Surgeon was immediately sent for.”

Sometime in early 1862 Allen was probably taken sick, and by the first of June of 1862, he was reported to be “recovering his health.” In fact, on June 2 he left the hospital at Yorktown and returned to the company. Homer Thayer of Company G wrote the following day that Shattuck reported to “Sergt. J. B. Ten Eyck as getting better, but not yet able to return to duty.” Shattuck had returned to duty by the time he was wounded slightly during the action at Second Bull Run on August 29, 1862. On June 12, 1889, during the dedication of the Michigan monuments at Gettysburg, Allen gave an address recollecting the movements of the Third Michigan during the Gettysburg campaign.

July 1 [he said] we went into camp on the grounds of St. Joseph’s Academy at Emmitsburg and remained there for the night, but were astir at an early hour on the morning of July 2, making a forced march of twelve miles to Gettysburg, while the almost death-like stillness on all side as we moved along foreboded the storm that was to break upon our heads so soon. On reaching Gettysburg, or the scene of action near that place (for the regiment never saw the village) we were halted and informed that we could get our dinner, which we set about as promptly as we could, but again disappointment met our wishes and needs, for before the water for our coffee had begun to boil we were ordered to fall in, and in quick time moved on our back track, or in the direction from which we had just come. We halted for a few minutes in the peach orchard, where there was a small force of cavalry sitting uneasily in their saddles, but soon we were ordered forward to support the sharpshooters, who were on the skirmish line. But hardly had the battle opened when it was found necessary to lengthen the skirmish line, when we were ordered forward on the right of the sharpshooters, while they were crowded to the left to near or into Little Round Top. In this position, unsupported by even any excuse for troops, we fought and even gained considerable ground, which we held until the right had been broken and a large force of the enemy were pouring down across our right flank. Still the “Old Third” held on, until Gen. De Trobriand, riding onto the line unattended by staff or orderly, commanded us to change front to right, saying as he did so, “Third Michigan, change front to right. I give ze order tree or four times. Change quick, or you all be gobbled up; don’t you see you are flanked? Ze whole rebel army is in your rear.” And true it was, a very large force of the enemy had broken through on our right and were swarming across our right flank. Never did a regiment change its front in quicker time than did the “Old Third” on this occasion, all the time contending for the ground which the rebels were trying to reach, and after our lines were once more established we did hold them in check until reinforced, when they were driven from the field, and we retired a short distance to cook and eat our supper

But little sleep visited our eyes that night, for well we knew that lee was not whipped and would renew the conflict as soon as he could make his new plans, which had been upset by Gen. Sickles’ prompt action this day. We were kept under arms all night, and long before daylight were in line awaiting the attack which we knew would come and expected every moment, but, having failed to carry this point, Lee turned his attention in another direction, thinking to catch someone napping, but again he found Michigan on guard and was confronted by Custer and his Michigan Brigade of Cavalry, and was again driven from his desired position. But having cast his lot here, he must fight or surrender, and to Gen. Lee, surrender was an unknown term, so he chose to carry out his plans, hoping by desperate attacks to force the army of the Potomac from their position, and thinking that his cavalry had carried out their part of the program, he opened upon us from all the guns he could train upon our position. It has been said there were 125 of them belching forth their thunder and showering their iron hail upon our lines of infantry and batteries which had not been equaled except, perhaps, at Malvern Hill and Fredericksburg. They continued this terrific fire until our batteries were silenced, as they supposed, then came those veterans of Longstreet’s corps in solid column from their rendezvous, direct toward the position still occupied by the ‘Old Third’ and the one they had tried so hard to carry the day before.

Everyone believed this was his intention, for once in possession of these heights and the Army of the Potomac was done for. Our lines were quickly formed, our batteries put into the best position for defense, and everything was in readiness to receive their onslaught; but disappointment again awaited us, for on reaching the low ground halfway between their starting point and our line, they broke by the left flank, and at a run made their way to the front of Cemetery Hill and charged that with all the courage born of desperation. But with such courage of the flower of his army Lee was doomed to see that idol of the South wither and fall as the grass before the scythe, for our officers were quick to interpret that movement as the rebels themselves, and battery after battery changed their position, those that could not get a new position changed their direction of fire, and every soldier absolutely not necessary for picket duty was put on the run by the right flank. The distance being shorter than the one the rebels had taken made up for the advantage they had of being first in motion. When they did strike our lines of artillery, which were now pouring grape and canister into their lines with terrible effect, our lines of infantry numbered nearly fifty to contend for the possession of those guns and heights, and well did that infantry do its duty, holding the rebels back at the point of the bayonet, while the gunners double-shotted their guns and poured the contents upon the advancing columns. In this famous charge the “Old Third” formed the tenth line of battle, and while they did not fire a shot they received their share from the enemy’s guns and did their duty in holding this very important point. Having vanquished the enemy, large details were made from many regiments. Here again the “Old Third” came in for their full share of carrying and caring for the wounded and prisoners, working all night to get the wounded rebels into comfortable quarters.

On the morning of the fourth of July a detail was made to feel the enemy’s position, but were soon recalled and removed to the old position they had held up to their call to assist in holding the heights on the afternoon of the third. Here they remained inactive, except details to bury the dead, until the morning of the seventh they advanced by way of Emmitsburg, Frederick City and Middletown, and recrossed the Potomac at Harper’s Ferry on the 17th; crossed the Shenandoah and marched around the mountain and up the eastern slope, until near Leesburg and halted for the night. The march was continued without incident of any great consequence till the morning of the 23rd, when, after an all night’s march, we found ourselves nearly through Manassas Gap, and after a hasty breakfast we deployed our skirmishers and commenced our advance upon the -- not rebels, for they were too far away to be reached even by cannon shot, but we could see them on the mountains several miles away and tried to shoot them but had the satisfaction of seeing our bullets ground on the mountain side a long distance below them.

This ends the Gettysburg campaign, and standing here in this Peach Orchard today, where we stood twenty-six years ago, though under very different circumstances, I look upon this small band of heroes, a remnant of that noble band of patriots who filed out from their pleasant camp at Grand Rapids, Mich., just twenty-eight years tomorrow morning, the largest [?] infantry regiment in point of numbers that was sent from our State, and allowing my mind to run backwards, I take in the pleasant ride to Washington, one month of preparation at Chain Bridge, the march to Bull Run, our baptism in the art of war on the field at Blackburn’s ford, the retreat to Arlington, our daily toil building fortifications, the pleasant camp in Michigan [should read “Camp Michigan”] during the winter of ‘61 and ‘62, the Peninsular campaign, Yorktown, Williamsburg and Fair Oaks, where we left many of the noblest sons of Michigan to enrich the soil of the Old Dominion, the disastrous nine days from June 25 to July 4, in which Gen. McClellan made his masterly change of base from the Pamunkey to the James at Harrison Landing; the second Bull Run, Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, and thence to his memorable field; again I see the long line of patriots who have laid down their lives that the nation might live, and turning I behold this beautiful granite monument erected to the memory of the men who fell not alone on this field, but on every battlefield on which the ‘Old Third’ took part, and that stone tells a tale of the heroism of as brave and noble band of patriots as every shouldered a musket in any cause, and ages after the last man who took an active part in this struggle has passed away, the traveler will pause as he approaches this spot and, reading this inscription “from Bull Run to Appomattox,” may exclaim: What volumes would that fill if properly written!”

Allen reenlisted on December 24, 1863, at Brandy Station, Virginia, crediting Lansing, Third Ward, was presumably absent on veteran’s furlough in January of 1864, and probably returned to the Regiment on or about the first of February. He was shot in the right elbow on May 6, 1864, at the Wilderness, Virginia, and subsequently hospitalized (at the same time that his brother Daniel was wounded slightly).

He was still absent wounded when he was transferred to Company F, Fifth Michigan infantry upon consolidation of the Third and Fifth Michigan Regiments on June 10, 1864, and was reported absent wounded through September. In fact, by late June he was home in Lansing on a furlough, “awaiting the healing of his arm, which was shattered by a ball.”

Allen was discharged on September 28, 1864, at Finley hospital in Washington, DC, for “resection of right elbow joint.”

After he was discharged from the army Allen returned to Lansing where he lived the rest of his life.

He married Engish-born Emma (1844-1906), and they had had at least eight children: Isabelle (b. 1868), Arthur (b. 1869), Timothy A. (b. 1871) Louis (b. 1876), Mrs. Frank Van Hinck, Mrs. Louis Storrs, Mrs. R. H. Menhinick and Mrs. Gillet Valentine.

By 1870 he was working as a painter and living with his wife and two children in Lansing’s Third Ward. (His parents as well as his brother Nelson were also living in the Third Ward in 1870.) although one source also reported that upon returning to Michigan form the war he took a position in the US Post Office where he wroked for some 15 years. He also reportedly served 10 years in the Michigan Adjutant general’s Office. (This is possibly when he worked on the official history of the Old Third Michigan history.)

He was working as a painter and living in Lansing’s Sixth Ward in 1880 along with his wife and children (two doors down lived his brother Nelson). Allen was living in Lansing in 1884 when he attended the Sixth Annual Reunion of the Soldiers and Sailors, at Battle Creek, Calhoun County. He was residing in the Sixth Ward in 1890 and at 1117 Lee Street in 1906, 1910, 1911 and 1919.

Allen was the “one selected by the state to do the interior decorating of the capitol dome and the blue vault and gold stars. . . .”

Allen was a very active member of the Old Third Michigan Infantry Association, and for many years was the recognized “Regimental Association Historian.” At the association reunion held in Lansing in December of 1884 he served as Toastmaster, and during the banquet for the Twentieth reunion of the association in mid-December of 1891 he gave a presentation on the Regiment’s history, which was “a continuation of the previous one by him. It was full of reminiscences of the career of the Regiment, speaking particularly of the campaign at Fair Oaks [Virginia]. He spoke lovingly of the gallant Phil Kearny, their old leader.”

The following year, at the Twenty-first reunion of the Association, “Historian” Shattuck “made a sketch of the Battle of Chancellorsville, as seen from his own personal standpoint.” In 1893 Allen “took up the thread of his narrative of the Regiment’s deeds where he dropped it a year ago as they were leaving the field. He carried it forward to Gettysburg, where it was again left for another year.” According to the Grand Rapids Herald, he “took a half hour in relating the story of the work of the Regiment at Gettysburg. [He] criticized historians for not more specifically mentioning by name a Regiment which did some of the best fighting and held a position in the face of deadly fire, and probably gained the day for the union.”

In 1894, during the evening’s banquet held by the Association, Allen “was the first speaker and he gave several chapters of exciting incidents in the active service of the Regiment.” At the annual Association reunion banquet on December 17, 1895, he “gave a partial history of [the Regiment’s] movements,” and indeed, by now Shattuck’s comments became something of an annual tradition.

On December 17, 1896, the Herald and the Grand Rapids Democrat both reported that “A. S. Shattuck of Lansing, as is his custom at each meeting, gave reminiscences of the war, picturing in an impressive manner the action taken by the Regiment in the first day of the battle of the Wilderness. He stated that it is a mistake as printed in the histories that the battle began at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, for from a record he made in his diary at the time and his personal recollection, he knows that it began at 1 o'clock and lasted until midnight, after which it took three hours to bury the dead. At the next session he will take up a description of the second day's battle.” The following year, during the association banquet Shattuck “gave a graphic description of the engagement and the death of 2nd Lieutenant [Milton] Leonard of Company F.”

According to the report from the Thirty-third annual reunion of the Association, held on June 30, 1904, Shattuck “was authorized to correct the records of the Regiment, now being prepared at Lansing.” This referred to the official state history series known generally as the “Brown books,” then being prepared by the State of Michigan. However, for reasons which remain unclear, the following year during the annual association business meeting, Allen reported that he had in fact been unable to correct the official history then in the process of being published. We know that his wife died in 1906 so he may have been preoccupied during the last ye4ar or so of her life.

In any case, this was unfortunate since the present official history reflects inaccuracies and and incompleteness which would not have existed had it been proofed by Allen who must have possessed the historical information on the regiment and its men needed to produce a thorough and proper history.

In 1909 he was still providing the wartime anecdotes during the annual Association evening banquet and, according to the Herald, “gave a splendid account of some of the trying days of the war.” The following year he was elected president of the Association, and during the banquet held that evening he “gave a short history of the Old Third as he saw it personally.”

Allen was also a member of the Grand Army of the Republic Charles Foster post no. 42 in Lansing, and a witness in the pension application of Orville Ingersoll of Company G.

In 1864 Shattuck himself applied for and received a pension (no. 35,613), dated November of 1866, drawing $18.00 per month in 1883 for a wounded right elbow.

After an illness of some four months, Allen died of “old age” at his home on 1117 Lee Street in Lansing, on March 26, 1919, and was buried on March 29 in Mt. Hope cemetery, Lansing: 6-29-C.

Daniel W. Shattuck was born in 1838 in Michigan, probably in Washtenaw County, the son of Asa (1807-1889) and Adaline (1813-1888).

New Hampshire native Asa married New Yorker Adaline in 1835. Soon afterwards, probably around 1838, Asa moved his family to Michigan, possibly from New York, and by 1840 Asa was still living in Pittsfield, Washtenaw County, eventually settling in Lansing in 1850 where he worked as a cooper and Allen attended school with his younger siblings (two of whom, Allen and Nelson would also join the Old Third).

By 1860 Daniel was a fireman and engineer living with his family in Lansing’s Second Ward. According to his brother Allen Daniel was apparently with a woman named Lavina Cory, possibly since around Christmas of 1860, and they resided together until he enlisted in 1861. Allen was unsure whether or not they were married but he claimed years later that he was under the impression that they were.

In fact, according to another source, they were not married although they had been living together as man and wife. Mrs. Marietta Mises, a friend of the Shattuck family in Lansing both before and during the war, stated in that she “was present at an interview between Daniel . . . and Lavina Cory at the city of Lansing sometime in 1862 and the last time Daniel Shattuck came home in which conversation the said Daniel Shattuck said to Lavina Cory that he had wronged her and was willing to make it right as near as he could, and would marry her and make her his wife and asked me to go with them and witness the marriage; Lavina then and there refused to intermarry with Daniel and that after the death of” Daniel Lavina “told this affiant that she was sorry that she had not married” him.

Daniel stood 5’10” with blue eyes, brown hair and a fair complexion and was 22 years old and still living in Lansing when he enlisted Company C, First U.S. Sharpshooters, along with his younger brother Asa, on August 21, 1861, for three years, at Detroit, and was mustered on August 26. (The First U.S. Sharpshooters were comprised of companies from several different states; Michigan was represented in Companies C, I and K.)

By September most of the companies of the regiment were concentrated at Weehawken, New Jersey, but on September 24-25 they were moved to Washington, and were mustered into service on November 29. The regiment participated in the defenses of Washington through the winter of 1861-62. Daniel was discharged for disability on January 8, 1862, at Washington, DC.

Daniel returned to his wife in Michigan, probably to Lansing. He reentered the service in Company G, Third Michigan along with his younger brother Nelson and joining another younger brother Allen, on August 9, 1862, at Lansing for 3 years, crediting Lansing’s Third Ward, and was mustered the same day at Detroit. Daniel joined the Regiment on September 9 at Upton’s Hill, Virginia, and was sick in the hospital from October of 1863 through May of 1864. He returned to the Regiment and according to one report received a slight wound along with his brother Allen during the recent actions in early May at the Wilderness, Virginia or he was wounded severely in the hand and left leg.

Daniel was transferred to Company F, Fifth Michigan infantry upon consolidation of the Third and Fifth Michigan Regiments on June 10, 1864, and taken prisoner on June 22, 1864, near Petersburg, Virginia.

He died on April 26, 1865, “from barbarous treatment in prison” (probably from disease), or he may have died on September 17, 1864, as a prisoner-of-war in Columbia, South Carolina, and if so was presumably buried among the unknown Union prisoners-of-war at Columbia.

Daniel’s “widow” resided with his parents for two or three years after his death. His parents were living in Lansing’s Third Ward in 1870.

In July of 1887 his mother Adaline applied for a pension (no. 357731).

Lavina eventually moved to Ionia County, married a Mr. Swanger, and after he died returned to Lansing. She eventually married a second time to a Mr. Fuller and they settled in Lamont, Ottawa County. In 1888 Lavina wrote to the Pension office, apparently replying to an inquiry about whether or not she and Daniel had ever been married. “I will say,” she replied, “that our marriage was a mutual agreement between us, that we would be husband and wife to each other so long as we both lived. We considered that sufficient as the laws of Michigan recognize marriage to be a civil contract.”

Nelson T. Shattuck was born in 1841 in Michigan. the son of Asa (1807-1889) and Adaline (b. 1813).

New Hampshire native Asa married New Yorker Adaline in 1835. Soon afterwards, probably around 1838, Asa moved his family to Michigan, possibly from New York, and by 1840 Asa was still living in Pittsfield, Washtenaw County, eventually settling in Lansing in 1850 where he worked as a cooper and Allen attended school with his siblings (two of whom, Allen and Daniel would also join the Old Third). It is possible that Nelson was living and working in Whiteford, Monroe County, Michigan in 1860.

In any case, Nelson stood 5’11” with blue eyes, brown hair and a fair complexion and was a 21-year-old farmer living in Lansing’s Third Ward when he enlisted in Company G, along with his older brother Daniel (and joining another older brother Allen who had enlisted the previous year), on August 9, 1862, at Lansing for 3 years, crediting Lansing’s Third Ward, and was mustered the same day at Detroit.

He joined the Regiment on September 8 at Upton’s Hill, Virginia, and was a Corporal when he was wounded on May 3, 1863, at Chancellorsville, Virginia. According to one member of Company G, Shattuck had a finger shot off. One report listed him as being wounded a second time at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, and in Summit House hospital in Philadelphia by mid-July, while another claimed in early July that he was wounded and in West’s Building hospital in Baltimore. In any case, Nelson was reported absent sick in the hospital from June through February of 1864.

Nelson eventually rejoined the Regiment and was apparently wounded a second (or third) time on May 5, 1864, at the Wilderness, Virginia, after which he he was hospitalized in Satterlee hospital in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He was still absent in the hospital when he was transferred to Company F, Fifth Michigan infantry upon consolidation of the Third and Fifth Michigan Regiments on June 10, 1864, and remained absent wounded until he returned to duty on September 13. He was wounded severely a third (or fourth) time on October 27, 1864, probably at Boydton Plank road, Virginia, and subsequently hospitalized until he was discharged on February 18, 1865, at Alexandria, Virginia, as a consequence of his wounds.

Nelson eventually returned to Michigan.

He married Pennsylvania native Winnefred “Winny” (1846-1895), and they had at least seven children: Nellie (b. 1866), Asa (b. 1868), Carl (b. 1869), Adeline (b. 1871), Laura (b. 1873), Frank (b. 1876) and James (b. 1879).

By 1870 he was working as a laborer and living with his wife and children in Lansing’s Third Ward. (His parents as well as his brother Allen were also living in the Third Ward in 1870.) By 1880 Nelson was working as a laborer and living with his wife and children in Lansing’s sixth Ward (just two doors down lived his brother Allen). Nelson was living in Springport, Jackson County in 1883 when he was drawing $18.00 per month for a gunshot wound in the right arm and left hand (pension no. 39,804), but by 1890 he was residing in Lansing where he was living in 1911 and 1915.

Nelson may have been married to one Esther.

Nelson was a member of the Old Third Michigan Infantry Association and in May of 1914 he joined Grand Army of the Republic Charles Foster Post no. 42 in Lansing.

Nelson died a widower on September 19, 1921, in Lansing, and was buried on September 21 in Mt. Hope cemetery, Lansing: 5-203-D 1/2.

Lawrence Croy

Lawrence Croy was born September 13, 1839, in Coshoctan County, Ohio, the son of Jacob (1811-1886) and Mary Ann (Schults, b. 1818)

Lawrence’s parents were both born in Ohio and were probably married there sometime before 1837. In any case the family was living in Washington, Coshocton County, Ohio in 1850 and resided in Ohio for some years before emigrating westward. Jacob eventually settled his family in Lansing, Ingham County, and by 1860 Lawrence was working as a day laborer along with his father and older brother Philip and living with his family in Lansing’s First Ward.

Lawrence stood 5’6” with blue eyes, sandy hair and a light complexion, and was a 21-year-old laborer probably living in Lansing's First Ward when he enlisted in Company G on May 13, 1861. (Company G, formerly the “Williams’ Rifles”, was made up predominantly of men from the Lansing area.) He was wounded severely in the leg on May 31, 1862, at Fair Oaks, Virginia, and in early June was among the wounded reported to be in a Washington hospital; although Homer Thayer of Company G wrote on June 20 that Croy was in fact a patient in the State Hospital at New Haven, Connecticut. In any case, he remained hospitalized from July of 1862 through January of 1863, and was discharged on February 13, 1863, at New Haven, Connecticut for “deformity of the left leg in consequence of fracture of the femur from wound received in action.”

After his discharge from the army Lawrence returned to Michigan where he reentered the service in Company B, Third Michigan cavalry in early spring of 1864, crediting Dewitt, Clinton County, and joined the Regiment in March, possibly at Little Rock, Arkansas. In May Lawrence was reported on furlough, possibly as a consequence of being ill although this is by no means certain. In any case he was discharged for disability on July 10, 1864, at Devall’s Bluff, Arkansas.

Lawrence listed Grand Rapids on his discharge paper as his mailing address but he would eventually return to Lansing, where he lived for some fifty years, working as a laborer.

He married Ohio native Mary J. Elder (b. 1848-1872), on June 15, 1863 in Dewitt, Clinton County, Michigan or in Macomb, Ohio, and they had at least four children: John (b. 1867), Ira Jacob, (b. 1868), Virgel (b. 1871) and one other.

The family lived in Macomb, Ohio for several months before moving to Toledo where they remained for “some time”, Lawrence eventually brought his family to Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan. By 1870 he was working as an engineer and living with his wife in Lansing’s Third Ward. After Mary died in Lansing in 1872, Lawrence placed his son John in the care of a man named Wrath, and another son Ira went to live with his grandmother. Lawrence married his second wife, a woman named Agnes “Belle” Kramer, at which time, according to John and Ira, they returned to his father’s home. Lawrence and Belle had at least one child: Mary Ann. They were separated and subsequently divorced (she eventually married a man named Brooks).

In fact, in June of 1875 “Belle” sued Lawrence for divorce, on the grounds of cruelty and adultery.

The divorce was granted and Lawrence was ordered to pay $5 per week alimony and child support.

On June 15, 1878 Lawrence married his third wife, Margaret Cinderella “Cinda” Fletcher (1858?-1910), in Findaly, Hancock County, Ohio, and they had at least three children: Jesse or Jessie (b. 1886) Wesley (b. 1887) and Thornton (b. 1890).

Lawrence had a total of eight children by his three wives. Other children’s names were: Bert and Mrs. Wayne Gregory.

In his last years he was residing at 444 Grand Street, (North) Lansing.

Lawrence became a member of the Old Third Michigan Infantry Association in June of 1904, and in July of 1889 joined the Grand Army of the Republic Foster Post No. 42 in Lansing.

In 1863 (?) He applied for and received a pension (no. 16337), drawing $30 per month by 1907.

Lawrence died of paralysis and a “general breaking down” on April 5, 1908, at his home at 412 Lapeer Street, Lansing. One obituary reported “For the last four weeks, the flag on the hall of Charles T. Foster post Grand Army of the Republic has been half mast for some member of the order. The flag was again placed in that position for Lawrence W. Croy who passed away last night. . . . He had resided in Lansing for 50 years.” The funeral was held on April 9 at his home at 2:00 p.m., under the auspices of the GAR. He was buried in Mt. Hope cemetery in Lansing: section B, lot 229, grave 7.

In 1908 his widow Cinda applied for and received a pension (no. 665,696).

Edgar W. Clark - update 1/28/2017

Edgar W. Clark was born March 9, 1833, in Northville, Wayne County, Michigan, the son of New York natives John B. Clark (b. 1808) and Lucinda Hickox (1814-1892).

His parents settled in Michigan by 1832 (possibly Wayne County). John B. may have been living in Vernon, Shiawassee County in 1840. By 1850 Edgar was living with his family and working as a farmer in Dewitt, Clinton County (is younger brother William would also join the Old Third).

Edgar married Ohio native Catharine A. Crayts (1836-1926), on September 9, 1858, in Dewitt, Clinton County, and they had at least four children: Mina (b. 1859), Carrie (b. 1861), Amos B. (b. 1867) and Philo or Milo (b. 1869).

By 1859 they were living in Michigan when their daughter was born, and by 1860 Edgar was working as a sawyer and living with his wife and daughter in Lansing’s First Ward, Ingham County.

Edgar stood 5’9” with hazel eyes, dark hair and a dark complexion, and was a 29-year-old mechanic living in Lansing’s First Ward with his wife and two small children when he enlisted for 3 years in Company G on Monday, August 11, 1862, probably at Lansing, crediting Lansing First Ward, and arrived at Detroit Barracks the same day. (Company G, formerly the “Williams’ Rifles”, was made up predominantly of men from the Lansing area.) Edgar's brother William had enlisted in Company G the previous year. The two were possibly related to Charles Clark who was also from the Lansing area and who joined Company G in May of 1861.

Concerned over the welfare of his family and to keep his wife informed as to his health and whereabouts, Edgar wrote frequently to his family from mid-August of 1862 until August of 1864. Catharine, at first unable to read or write had to depend on others to read his letters and to write for her. But apparently at some point during the war she decided to learn to read and write for herself.

On Sunday, August 17, 1862, Edgar wrote home that he was still in Detroit, probably the Detroit Barracks awaiting transportation east. “We drill two hours every day now from today. I have not done but two hours work this last week. We have very good times here. There’s from 300 to 500 to every table and all eat with their hats or caps on. We have butter, bread, pork and beans for breakfast. Sometimes cold and sometimes warm and every meal is the same. We have fresh beef once or twice a week.” He added that he was “somewhat lonesome” and wished he was back home with her, a sentiment he would repeat many times during the war. Indeed, one of the hallmarks of Clark’s letters home was his frankness in expressing his feelings toward his wife.

On Wednesday, August 20, 1862, Edgar wrote that his “health is first-rate. I got $25 of my bounty today and there are $17 more I will get in a few days. I will send you $20.” He closed by telling her “You must keep up good courage and this will come out all right. A year will pass around and then we will be together again never to part till death removes us. If you can, you must keep all of my letters till I come home. Get somebody to write for you Sunday if you can. I expect a letter from you or someone of the folks every day.”

By Sunday, August 24, 1862, Edgar reported his health to be “very good at present” but that he was still in Detroit.

I have been on guard four hours today and calculate to be on guard four hours tonight. This is the third letter that I have written you. I sent you $20 last week. I don’t know how long I shall stay in this place, perhaps not more than a day or two. I hear that we will go to the regiment tomorrow, but I don’t know. We got so many stories and promises that we do not know what we will do the next minute. Yesterday, I tried to get a pass to go downtown to see if I could get a furlough to come home a few days but could not. I will try again tomorrow and if I can come home and see you again before I leave the state, but if you don’t see me Tuesday night you will not see me for the present. Tonight is the first night that I tasted butter since I left home. I could tell you a great many more things if you would read my writing, but seeing as it is, I must write so as not to offend anyone whom you may get to read my letters to you.

Apparently Catharine had asked in a letter if in fact he could get a furlough to come home. On Tuesday, August 26, Edgar replied that he

tried to get a furlough to come home, but cannot. We will leave this place today or tomorrow. There are 100 new recruits leaving for the West [?] today. I was sorry to hear that mama was sick. I hope she is better now. It would cost me certainly $5 to come home and back here and I think if it was saved and sent to you for your comfort and convenience it will be better for you than it would be for me to come home and only stay a day or two with you and then have to leave again for a long time. You would feel worse than you did when I left first. It was hard for me to part with you and my two little children who are dependent on me for their protection and support. I wish it were not so, but this country must be saved and someone has to go. I see in this morning’s paper that drafting is ordered immediately after the first of September. So it is a sure thing and I am glad that I am a volunteer and not a drafted man. We have very poor fare. I thought I would have a change and bought two good mince pies and they were very good. There is everything to eat when men have the money to buy.

On Thursday, August 28, Edgar wrote home that his health was good, indeed, he had never felt better.

We intend to leave for the regiment tonight and I am glad of it for I have stayed in this place long enough. We are in close confinement, though we have about five acres of land to parade on and that is all. They let four men go out the other day on their honor and they have not come in yet. So they fooled them and they said they would not let another man go out of the barracks until he went to his regiment and then we will have more liberty. We expect to get our money before we go or we will not go. I suppose you think I hope I can’t get my money, but there is no such good luck for you nor me. It is a hard life to live although we do not work any. Perhaps that is the reason it is so hard, because I was always brought up to work. We do not live very well, but if I get it no worse in my life I will never grumble a bit. I suppose your melons are getting ripe by this time and I hope they will not get picked until they get ripe for I am not there to pick them before they get ripe. I wish I was there this morning. You must keep up good courage and get along as well as you can. I shall try to take care of myself as well as I can and you will bet I will be very clear from running into danger carelessly. My love for you is ten times stronger than it ever was before because I miss you every day and know the need of a good wife.

Although he had expected to be sent east on Friday, by Sunday, August 31, he had still not left Detroit. He had been on guard much of the night before. “I have been to sleep all of the morning till now and I thought I would write to let you know about me. I like to write to you first rate. I suppose you are glad of it. We have very good times here.”

He was still in Detroit when he wrote Catharine on Tuesday, September 2, he wrote his wife that he was well. “If I enjoy as good health as long as I am gone away from home, I shall feel glad. There are a good many going out with us, probably about 300. I would be glad to see you before I went out of the state, but it is impossible and we must make up our minds to put up with it.” He was optimistic about how long the war would last. “It is the opinion of all here that the war will not last over nine months. I must tell you to take good care of the children. The horrors of war may find them fatherless and cast them upon the mercies and charities of friends and relatives, but God forbid the thought. I still entertain the strong conviction that someday . . . will see us together again [in] this world of sorrow and trouble. You must not feel melancholy. I thought I would fill up the sheet so you would not say I wrote short letters.”

At about 9:00 p.m. Thursday night, September 4, Edgar boarded a train for Toledo where he arrived about 11:00 p.m. He left Toledo at 5:00 a.m. Friday morning for Cleveland arriving there about 10:00 a.m. From Cleveland he went to Wheeling, West Virginia and they were supposed to on to Baltimore from there. But, according to a letter he wrote home on Sunday, September 7, “the news came the rebels had taken one town on that road and we could not go through. Then we was ordered to go by the Pittsburgh and Pennsylvania Railroad and we had to go back 50 miles to get to that road which made about 100 miles of travel which we got unnecessarily. We then got on the cars at Bolivar, which is four miles below Wheeling on the Ohio River.” He finally joined the regiment on Saturday night. He reported that he found William well and that he was “quite satisfied with the regiment”. He hoped to make himself “as contented as possible” and promised to write home two or three times a week.

Edgar quickly fell into the Regimental routine. On September 11 he wrote Catharine that the day before he had gone to Alexandria “and bought a few notions such as a shirt and a cup for boiling coffee in and a plate and a spoon which is necessary for me to have.” He also had his photograph taken and planned to put it in with the letter. Three days later, September 14, Edgar wrote home that he was still well.

This is a beautiful Sunday morning and I have been to work fetching wood and cooking my breakfast. William is on guard duty this morning. I went to Alexandria yesterday and worked all day helping unload a vessel with wagons for our brigade. It is the first duty that I have done to amount to anything since I have been in the service and probably will be the last for quite a number of days. It is easy work to be a soldier. We are encamped in a very beautiful place and in a secure place as could be selected. We cannot tell how long we will be here in this locality. We have moved three times within the last week and every time we have bettered our condition. Talk is that we will move once more before we come to a final stopping place. Then we will not move until it is absolutely necessary to protect Washington. We are encamped within light [sight?] of Washington and only about three miles between three large forts, so when the rebels come they have got to take four large forts before they can touch us.

On September 17 Edgar wrote home that the regiment was still encamped at what Clark had referred to on the 14th as Camp Wilson and on the 17th as a “camp near Fort Worth”, but was in fact near Fairfax Seminary. He had no idea how long they would stay there, and complained “[w]e get orders every day and then they are countermanded but if the rebels on their return from Maryland should make a dash for Washington, then we will have to protect that place. We are under marching orders with 60 rounds of ammunition in our cartridge boxes, and must be ready at a moment’s warning. So you will see that it is impossible to tell how long we will stay here, but it will come out all right one of these days.” He reported that on Monday, September 15, the regiment “went out on picket duty last Monday [September 15]. We went three miles south of Munson Hill or about six miles from where we were camped. We did not see any rebels, but some rebel woman [women?]. We had a good time. Wild grapes growed as large as ones you saw in your camp, and we see a good many things pleasing and amusing. There is a great many regiments within sight of us and tents as far as you can see in every direction.”

On September 24 Edgar wrote from camp near the Seminary to let his family know he was in good health. After a brief discussion of home matters, Edgar turned his thoughts to more serious matters, particularly in the wake of the horrible fighting that had recently taken place at Antietam.

How soon we may get into a fight, we cannot know, but if we do, I am sure I will come out all right. I was talking to one of our company by the name of Church who is with one of the ambulances that care of [for?] the dead and wounded on the battlefield and he said he went one day this week under a flag of truce into the rebel lines where the Battle of Bull Run was fought about three weeks ago and he said there were hundreds of dead men, Union and Rebel, on the ground, still unburied, with all of their clothes stripped off of them. I thought that was a hard sight to see. I hope I shall never see the likes of it. Should it be my lot to be killed in battle, I hope I shall get a decent burial and not have my bones bleached on this land above ground. We have to drill three hours a day and that is all the work we do. The President has issued a proclamation freeing all the slaves after the first of January in the revolting states. I like that first-rate. If they cannot be brought to honorable terms by mild usage, the Old Book says they must be dealt in a more severe manner.

By the end of the month the regiment had moved to a camp at Upton’s Hill, Virginia, and Edgar seemed pleased with the move. On Sunday, September 28 he wrote Catharine that his

health is first rate at present. I hope it will continue to be good while I am in the army. I have been to work all day, cleaning my gun.The regiment went on inspection this morning. The colonel looked at my gun a little and then gave it back to me. I think it passed because he made no comments about it. William and I have moved, so we have a better bed and we do not have to sleep on the ground as before. We marched into a camp which a regiment had just left. You say you wish you were here to do the cooking for me. I wish you was but I would not have you come and live in camp, as we move from place to place. I have moved about 10 miles in four times. How long we will stay in this position is hard for anyone to tell. Even the field and staff officers are not allowed to know where [we will move] until about a half-hour before we start. Yesterday’s paper stated that there was no rebels within 20 miles of us.

He continued to miss his wife. On October 1 Edgar wrote that “Someone has remarked that we cannot properly estimate our individual blessings until we are deprived of them. So it is with me now. My absence has taught me that deprived of you the world would be a wilderness and life a blank. I have to meditate here in solitude the many joys you have brought me, strewing my pathway with happiness and exalting my soul to a just prescription of the good and beautiful in life.”

Four days later he expressed to his wife his thoughts on the cause of the war. “I think Old Abe has done a good thing in striking at the cause of the rebellion and I would still be in favor of the destruction of the whole rebel property if it would be peace. I think if that does not bring peace by the first of January, slavery will be abolished from the United States and I would think they would come back into the Union before that time so as to save themselves and their institutions.”

Edgar remained with the regiment throughout the fall of 1862 and participated in the battle of Fredericksburg on December 13, 1862. He took the opportunity on December 17 to write home and inform his wife that he was alive and well after the great battle.

On January 12, 1863, Edgar was admitted to the division hospital near Falmouth, suffering from diarrhea and rheumatism. He remained in the division hospital until early February when he was transferred to the regimental hospital and by the first of March had returned to the company. However, he suffered a relapse and just four days after returning to the regiment was sent back to the regimental hospital on March 5. His health improved and by late in the month had rejoined the company.

Edgar was with the regiment during its movement across the Rappahannock River and in its engagement at Chancellorsville. He also participated in the battle of Gettysburg on July 2, 1863. Curiously, beginning in late June his letters become substantially clipped, his topics of discussion taper off to virtually only events in the east and he no longer signs off affectionately.

In late August the Third Michigan was sent to New York City to assist in preserving order during the upcoming draft and from that city they were sent up the Hudson and helped with the draft in Troy, New York. The regiment returned to Virginia in September and participated in the Mine Run campaign in November, after which it took up winter quarters at Camp Bullock near Brandy Station. Edgar continued to serve with Company G throughout 1863 and on into 1864.

Although Edgar was reported absent wounded when he was transferred to Company F, Fifth Michigan infantry upon consolidation of the Third and Fifth Michigan Regiments on June 10, 1864, in fact, according to his letters he remained with his company (F) until he was shot in the left knee shattering the bone during a charge on an enemy position about sundown, June 20, 1864, near Petersburg. Fortunately for Edgar, “William was there close by. I got on his back and he carried me back over a slight rise of ground. Then another soldier was there to help him. I got astride of a gun and they both took me to where the ambulance was waiting to carry me back to the field hospital” at City Point, Virginia. “After lying on the ground all night under a big tree and in the morning about 9 I was put on the table to be examined by the doctors and told if it was necessary they would have to take my leg off, which they did.”

On June 23 he wrote Catharine that after being shot he had laid “on the ground a little while wanting for some to come and help me off. I tried to get some of our own company boys to take me out. They said they could not, but if they were obliged to fall back they would carry me with them. At this moment I got sight of William. I made a loud noise calling his name. He heard me, then I knew I was all right.” He was taken to a brick farmhouse near by and from there transported to Washington, where he was admitted to Harvard hospital.

He pointed out to his wife in his June 23 letter that his leg had been “taken off without the least particle of pain. My dear, it is a sad misfortune to me now to be deprived of half a leg. But it is one of the misfortunes of war for which none are to blame. It would be an honorable misfortune. I would rather it be a leg than an arm.” Edgar remained at Harvard hospital through mid-August, and his leg healed ever so slowly, suffering one bout of gangrene.

On August 22 Edgar was transferred to South Street hospital in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, where he remained until he was transferred to Detroit on November 26, 1864, and was discharged on account of wounds on February 27, 1865 at Detroit, possibly from Harper hospital.

Edgar eventually returned to the Lansing area where he probably lived most of his life and for many years worked as a clerk. By 1870 he was working as a clerk in a state government office and living in Lansing’s First Ward with his wife and four children.

He was living in North Lansing in 1883 drawing $24.00 for pension no. 41,617 (dated 1865), and still residing in North Lansing the following year.

Edgar was a member of the Old Third Michigan Infantry Association, and in May of 1885 he joined the Grand Army of the Republic Charles Foster Post No. 42 in Lansing.

He died on January 10, 1902, at Lansing, and was buried on January 12 in Mt. Hope cemetery in Lansing: section B, lot 192, grave no. 10 (10-192-B).

In February of 1902 his widow was living in Michigan when she applied for and received a pension (no. 542279).

William Clark was born December 29, 1839 in South Lyon, Oakland County, Michigan, the son of John B. (b. 1808) and Lucinda (Hickox, b. 1813).

Both New York natives, his parents were probably married in New York sometime before 1832 by which time they had settled in Michigan (probably Wayne County). John B. may have been living in Vernon, Shiawassee County in 1840. In any case, by 1850 William was living with his family (so was his older brother Edgar who would also join the Old Third) in Dewitt, Clinton County.

William was probably living in Clinton County and stood 5’11” with hazel eyes, brown hair and a light complexion, and was a 22-year-old farmer when he enlisted in Company G on May 10, 1861. (His brother Edgar would enlist in Company G in 1862; and the two may have been related to Charles Clark who, like Edgar, was from Lansing and who also enlisted in Company G. Moreover, Company G, formerly the “Williams’ Rifles”, was made up predominantly of men from the Lansing area.)

William was wounded slightly in the shoulder on May 31, 1862, at Fair Oaks, Virginia, and by late June he was at home in DeWitt, Clinton County, recovering from his wound. He soon recovered his health and on August 11 William arrived in Detroit Barracks, the transit depot for soldiers returning to and from their Regiments, and on Friday, August 15, left Michigan to rejoin the Third Michigan. He was promoted to Corporal on September 1, 1862, and according to Edgar Clark of Company G, William “honestly” deserved the post. “His pay is no more than it was before but it relieves him of a great many little duties which a private is subject to, such as standing guard.” For much of his time in service William and Edgar shared not only the same tent but the same bed as well, a common use of limited sleeping space in the nineteenth century. Apparently William and Edgar got their pictures taken on April 22, 1863.

On Sunday October 11, noted Edgar Clark, William “was splitting some kindling wood off a rail, when the hatchet made a glance and cut his big toe bad. So they sent him to Washington to a hospital.” On October 24 Edgar reported home that William was in Stanton hospital in Washington and his foot was not doing well. William eventually recovered, rejoined the regiment and reenlisted on December 23, 1863, at Brandy Station, Virginia.

He returned home to Michigan on veteran’s furlough during January of 1864 and rejoined the regiment on or about the first of February.

It is quite possible that while he was home on furlough William married Mary Francis Reynolds; they had at one child, a daughter Gertrude Estelle (b. 1876).

Shortly after William returned to the regiment, on March 5, 1864, Edgar wrote to his own wife, Catherine, “William got a letter from his dear wife last night. She feels quite bad for she says Alice Collins has reported a story that he slept with three girls one night and she does not like it much. I would not either if I was in her place. I think myself there must be some mistake for I do not think he would cut up such a caper as that so near home, much less to tell Alice of it. I do not know what is the matter with him nor do I care much. He knows that I do not like his Mary nor never did see how he can but you know love will go where it is sent, and you know somebody must like her and he may as well be the victim.”

William was transferred as a Sergeant to Company F, Fifth Michigan infantry upon consolidation of the Third and Fifth Michigan Regiments on June 10, 1864. During the movement through the North Anna area by the Army of the Potomac in late May of 1864, William reportedly shot and killed a rebel, possible his first kill.

On May 26, Edgar Clark wrote home to his wife that “William wanted I should tell you he killed a rebel yesterday. He has got a sharp [Sharp’s?] target rifle which will kill a man as far as you can see. He went out on a skirmish line and got a good aim at one and after he shot he saw four men carrying a man off.” William was promoted to First Sergeant on November 2, 1864, and mustered out of service on July 5, 1865 at Jeffersonville, Indiana.

After the war, William returned to Michigan, probably to Dewitt in Clinton County. He was living in Lansing in 1876 (where his daughter was born), but curiously his wife Mary and their daughter Gertrude are reported living with her brother Nelson Reynolds in Dewitt in 1880, with no mention of William.

In any case, William was either widowed or divorced by the time he moved to California where he married his second wife, California native Ida Alice Maloon (b. 1855) in 1887 or 1888; they adopted a baby girl named Irma Viola (b. 1895). By 1900 and 1910 William and his family were living in Oakland, California.

In 1871 William applied for and received a pension (no. 118522).

William died on June 16, 1918, in Oakland, California, and was buried on June 19 in Mountain View cemetery in Oakland.

In July of 1918 Ida applied for and received a pension (no. 864551). By 1920 Ida was listed as the head of the household and living in Oakland; also living with her was her daughter Irma and her husband C. B. Stevens as well as another woman named Gertrude (b. c. 1877), possibly William’s daughter and her 11-year-old son Rennold.

Albert Dewitt Carr

Albert Dewitt Carr was born March 14, 1838, in Pennsylvania, the son of Stutley (1798-1888) and Elizabeth (Tyler, 1800-1844).

Stutley was born in Herkimer County, New York and married Elizabeth before 1825 when their son William was born. By 1830 Stutley was living in Dryden, Tompkins County, New York, and by 1840 in Cossawago, Crawford County, Pennsylvania. After Elizabeth died in 1844 he married New York native Eunice Eliza Stafford (b. 1812). By 1850 Albert (listed as Dewitt) was attending school with his younger sister Laura and living with his father and stepmother and other younger siblings on a farm in Union City, Erie County, Pennsylvania.

At some point Albert left Pennsylvania and moved west. By 1860 he was a laborer working for and/or living with a farmer by the name of Jessie Mattison in Concord, Jackson County, Michigan. (His brother William and family as well as his sister Adelia apparently resided in Lansing that same year.) He was living in Lansing when he married Jessie Mattison’s daughter, Vermont native Augusta D. Mattison (1842-1911) on November 20, 1860, in Jackson, Jackson County, Michigan. In any case, by the time the war broke out he was a member of the Lansing company called the “Williams’ Rifles”, whose members would serve as the nucleus of Company G.

Albert was 22 years old and probably living with his wife and working in Lansing when he enlisted in Company G on May 10, 1861.

According to Frank Siverd of Company G, Albert was sick with “inflammation of the lungs” at Cantonment Anderson in Grand Rapids shortly before the regiment left Michigan in June of 1861. In fact, when the Third Michigan left Michigan on Thursday, June 13, 1861, for Washington, DC, Albert was one of three dozen or so men too sick to travel and he soon went home to Lansing to recover. He reportedly died of congestion of the lungs at his brother’s house (probably William w.) in Lansing on August 12 or 16, 1861, and was presumably buried there.

In April of 1873 when Mt. Hope cemetery was first opened in Lansing, Albert’s remains were reinterred in the Carr family plot in section B, lot 3, grave 10 of Mt. Hope cemetery.

In 1885 his widow was residing in Sandusky County, Ohio when she applied for and received a pension (no. 240099).

John Broad

John Broad was born around 1833 in England.

John eventually immigrated to the United States and by the late 1850s had settled in Michigan.
He was living in Lansing, Ingham County, when he married New York native Charlotte Sherman (nee Baldwin?, 1830-1907) on October 27, 1859, in Lansing (she had been married one before, probably to a Mr. Sherman and had one daughter by her previous marriage).

By 1860 John was working as a farmer and his wife was working as a dressmaker and they were living in the Lansing's Second Ward; John's stepdaughter Mary, also called Minnie, was living with them as well. (Also living with them in 1860 was a 50-year-old New York "tailoress" named Bethany Baldwin.)

Shortly after the war broke out John became a member of the Lansing militia company called the “Williams’ Rifles”, whose members would serve as the nucleus of Company G, Third Michigan infantry.

John was 28 years old and still living in Lansing when he enlisted in Company G on May 10, 1861. He was wounded severely in the left arm and face on May 31, 1862, at Fair Oaks, Virginia, and eventually admitted to the hospital on David’s Island in the East River, New York harbor. On July 14, from David’s Island he was sent home on furlough to recover from his wounds, and by late July he was back home in Lansing where he was interviewed by the editor of the Lansing State Republican. John explained that during the battle of Fair Oaks he was left behind

in charge of some commissary stores, while the Regiment was ‘double quicked’ to the point to meet the enemy. When the Regiment had arrived at the point of attack, and were about to open fire on the enemy, the commissary guard [John] having taken a musket belonging to a wounded soldier in the hospital hard by came up puffing and blowing in an awful way, and after pausing a moment to recover breath, cried out to the officer in command: “Lieutenant, did you think I could stay guarding two barrels of pork, while the boys were fighting? No sir! I could not do any such thing. I want to pitch in along with the rest.” “Fall in”, was the reply, and he did fall in and fight bravely. He fired six times, and as he was loading for the seventh round, he received a ball in his left arm shattering it terribly, and at the same moment a buck shot entered his cheek, passed across under his nose, and lodged in his right temple, where it remains. For a time he was deprived of his sight entirely, but has now so far recovered as to be able to see with his left eye, but not much with his right. His arm is doing well and he expects to report himself for duty on the 15th of August.

A Detroit newspaper which printed the same story added that “the ball still remains in his face, but he says he feels no pain from it, but merely a great weight in his cheek.” According to later testimony, John was shot “in the left arm . . . splintering the bone badly also buckshot or piece of shell struck under the left eye and passed through and lodged under the right eye causing partial blindness.”

Although John was reported absent sick from June through November in the New York hospital, he was still home in Lansing in August, possibly on furlough from David’s Island hospital in New York. On August 5, 1862, Lieutenant Joseph Mason, then commanding Company G and detached on recruiting service in Michigan, wrote to Colonel Smith in Detroit that he had “been round the different towns adjacent to Lansing and find that the feeling among the people is, that they will go when ‘obliged to’. I have found two of my company here who have been wounded at Fair Oaks. They are not in condition to return to their company, as their wounds are not yet healed. They are men who could exert considerable influence here were they detailed. The names are John Broad and William Clark.” Nevertheless, on August 11 John reported for duty at Detroit Barracks. According to one source, John was sent to a hospital in Detroit (probably Harper hospital), where he remained through October.

By the end of 1862 John had still not fully recovered from his wounds, but had nevertheless apparently returned to the Regiment. He was reported in the Regimental hospital from December of 1862 through September of 1863, although one wonders if he ever did in fact rejoin the regiment. He was reported on detached service in late April of 1863, serving with a supply train. (Interestingly, he was a recipient of Kearny Cross, supposedly for his participation in the battle of Chancellorsville, May 3, 1863.)

In any case, he was treated for congestive fever from February 12 until the 28th and returned to duty. He was then treated for syphilis from September 24 until the 27th, for gonorrheal orchitis from October 31 until November 18, for syphilis from November 23 until December 4 when he was apparently returned to duty. He was in the Regimental hospital in February when he was treated for influenza from the 28th until March 3, 1864, and returned to duty. He was mustered out on June 20, 1864, at Detroit.

After his discharge from the army John returned to his home in Lansing. “We were glad to welcome back to his home,” the editor of the Republican wrote on June 29, 1864, “that well tried and brave veteran, John Broad, of this city, Company G.”

Three years later, in 1867, Broad took a job as janitor in the State Capitol building in Lansing, a position he held for more than twenty years. By 1870 he was working as porter at the state capitol and living with his wife, his stepdaughter “Minnie” Sherman and Bethany Baldwin in Lansing’s First Ward. And by 1880 he was working as a constable and living in Lansing with Charlotte and his stepdaughter Mary. Indeed, he lived in Lansing the rest of his life. In 1910 he was living in Lansing’s Fifth Ward.

He was a member of the Old Third Michigan Infantry Association and the Grand Army of the Republic Foster Post No. 42 in Lansing until he was suspended on December 16, 1884, and dropped on April 1, 1885. Apparently he was reinstated in May of 1894, but again suspended in June of 1897 and dropped in June of 1898.

In 1864 he applied for and received pension no. 57,667, drawing $14.00 per month in 1883, and $40 per month by 1906 and 1915.

John was probably living with his step-daughter, Minnie Sherman at her home at 424 N. Cedar Street, in Lansing, when he was taken seriously ill on September 2, 1915. He never recovered and was a widower when he died of apoplexy at his step-daughter’s home on September 4, 1915.

He was buried as an indigent soldier on September 8 in Mt. Hope cemetery in Lansing: section G, lot no. 16, grave no. 8.